News Flash 653: Weekly Snapshot of Public Health Challenges

News Flash Links, as part of the research project PEAH (Policies for Equitable Access to Health), aim to focus on the latest challenges by trade and governments rules to equitable access to health in resource-limited settings

Aeolian islands overview (Italy)

News Flash 653

Weekly Snapshot of Public Health Challenges

 

FIAN International Vacancy Announcement: Communications Specialist. Application deadline: March 10th, 2026

From Potsdam 1945 to Munich 2026: Technological Leap and Backward Trends in Global Governance, Inequality, and Planetary Health  by Juan Garay 

The WHO process for supporting the reform of the global health architecture

Orientation towards the needs of the Global North: Recruitment of health professionals

Wealth Alone Has Never Been Enough to Sustain Knowledge Systems

Rural Health Transformation (RHT) Program

Interview with Carmel Shachar on the opportunities and risks presented by the Rural Health Transformation Program

Our advertising regulator is funded by the food and beverage industry. Should it be allowed to block ads on sugar’s health risks?

Moving Climate Change And Vaccines Out Of The Anti-Science Crosshairs

Africa’s future depends on investing in women, children, adolescents

Brazil Can Boost Growth by Bringing More Women into the Labor Force

World TB Day Campaign Toolkit Launch

Improving the tuberculosis infection care cascade among migrants in Canada: a cost-effectiveness modelling study

Investment in Malaria Venture Yields 13x Health Benefits

Excruciating tropical disease can now be transmitted in most of Europe, study finds

Female Genital Cutting in the Nigeria Context  by Hadiza Magaji Mahmoud

One in two people facing cataract blindness need access to life-changing surgery

South Africa Fights Foot-and-Mouth Losses With Vaccines

DNDi and Dubai Health launch Middle East partnership to advance research and training in neglected diseases

Pharmaceutical Pricing—JAMA Talks With Mark Cuban

Monsanto Proposes Billion-Dollar Settlement of Claims Against its Pesticide

People’s Health Dispatch Bulletin #114: Farewell to David Legge

HRR805. HUMAN RIGHTS IN A NEOLIBERAL WORLD. (TERSO0 NANDE)

UK Aid Cuts Now Deeper than the US After Congress Pushes Back

UK aid cuts demand repair, not retreat to save lives

Amnesty International: Short questionnaire about the impact of recent aid cuts (to Organizations working in the field of Health) – deadline 5 March 2026

National security plans must adapt to avoid ‘new world disorder’, says UN climate chief

US EPA Stops Regulating Climate Pollution – Says It’s Not a Health Concern

Interview: Three ways to green the humanitarian reset

AI’s climate consequences: why AI governance needs to confront climate injustice 

 

 

Female Genital Cutting in the Nigeria Context

IN A NUTSHELL
Author's note
…In this paper, details of female genital cutting-FGC (or female genital mutilation-FGM as interchangeable terms) will be discussed within the context of Nigeria…

…Even though cultural norms and values are integral elements in shaping views and behavioral patterns of the community, FGC is one of the harmful cultural beliefs and practices that have no scientific proven medical basis and therefore must be abolished…

…The WHO has advised that neither FGM must be institutionalized nor should any form of FGM be performed by any health professional in any setting, including hospitals or in the home setting…

By Dr. Hadiza Magaji Mahmoud, MBBS

Masters in Reproductive Health, MSc Public Health (LSHTM), AMRSPH

By the same Author on PEAH: HERE

Female Genital Cutting in the Nigeria Context

 

‘’INTERVENTIONS TO MODIFY SEXUAL PLEASURE AND PERFORMANCE ARE NEVER SOLELY ABOUT ANATOMY AND PHYSIOLOGY BUT ARE HEAVILY INFLUENCED BY SOCIAL, CULTURAL, AND POLITICAL CONTEXT AND NORMS.”

 

The statement above highlights the idea that sexual experiences are shaped by a variety of factors beyond just biological processes. These factors include social norms, cultural values, political ideologies, and personal beliefs, all of which can impact sexual behaviors, attitudes, and expectations.

In the settings of Female Genital Cutting (FGC), modification of the normal external female anatomy does not only change the anatomy or physiologic function but also have implications on sexuality and general wellbeing. In addition, factors like social, cultural, and political context and norm do contributes in larger proportions towards causing harm to one’s sexuality.

In this paper, details of female genital cutting will be discussed within the context of Nigeria giving into account how such practice influenced by social norms, cultural values, political ideologies and personal beliefs will have impact on sexuality.

Female genital mutilation is also known as female circumcision or female genital cutting. The terms will be used interchangeable in this paper.

Female genital mutilation (FGM) is defined by the World Health Organization (WHO) as all procedures which involve partial or total removal of the external female genitalia and/or injury to the female genital organs, whether for cultural or any other non-therapeutic reasons.1

An estimated 140 million women have undergone Female genital cutting.2 In Africa alone, an estimated 101 million girls above the age of 10 years have undergone the procedure with an estimated 3 million being at risk of undergoing FGC each year.2

Though FGC is practiced in more than 28 countries in Africa and a few scattered communities worldwide, its burden is seen in Nigeria, Egypt, Mali, Eritrea, Sudan, Central African Republic, and northern part of Ghana where it has been an old traditional and cultural practice of various ethnic groups.3,4

Nigeria has the highest absolute number of cases of FGC in the world, accounting for about one-quarter of the estimated 115–130 million circumcised women worldwide.3 The national prevalence rate of FGC is 41% among adult women. Prevalence rates progressively decline in the young age groups and 37% of circumcised women do not want FGC to continue.3 FGC has the highest prevalence in the south south (77%) (among adult women), followed by the south east (68%) and south west (65%), but practiced on a smaller scale in the north, paradoxically tending to a more extreme form.3,5

The practice is widespread among different tribes and religions. FGC practice was deeply entrenched in the culture in all geopolitical zones of the country.6

In Nigeria, the practice is performed on neonates, infants, pubertal, antepartum, or post-partum women.7,8 In most part of the country, it is carried out at a very young age (minors) and there is no possibility of the individual’s consent.9

FGC practiced in Nigeria is classified into four types10 as follows: Type I or Clitoridectomy (the least severe form of the practice): It involves the removal of the prepuce or the hood of the clitoris and all or part of the clitoris. In Nigeria, this usually involves excision of only a part of the clitoris. Type II or “sunna” is a more severe practice that involves the removal of the clitoris along with partial or total excision of the labia minora. Type I and Type II are more widespread in Southern Nigeria but less harmful compared to Type III which is commoner in Northern Nigeria. Type III (infibulation) is the most severe form of FGC. It involves the removal of the clitoris, the labia minora and adjacent medial part of the labia majora and the stitching of the vaginal orifice, leaving an opening of the size of a pin head to allow for menstrual flow or urine. Type IV or other unclassified types recognized by include introcision and gishiri cuts, pricking, piercing, or incision of the clitoris and/or labia, scraping and/or cutting of the vagina (angurya cuts), stretching the clitoris and/or labia, cauterization, the introduction of corrosive substances and herbs in the vagina, and other forms.7

FGC procedure is usually performed by traditional barbers, traditional healers, traditional birth attendants, and to some extents trained midwives and community health workers.

Various reasons have been given for performing FGC in Nigeria. In some communities, the procedure is observed as a religious rite, even though the role of religion in propagating the practice is extremely controversial. Interestingly, this practice is carried out among Muslims, Christians and others in the communities where it is seen. There is no clear evidence in the Bible or Qur’an supporting female circumcision.11

Female circumcision is sometimes performed as an initiation rite into womanhood or into the tribe. An important reason forwarded by others for this practice is to safeguard the virginity of girls until marriage, or as a means of attenuating sexual desires of the girls thus rendering them less vulnerable to sexual temptation .12

Among the Yorubas of Ekiti and Atakumasi in Osun State, clitoridectomy is performed so that the head of the new born does not come in contact with the clitoris during delivery. If it does, these people believe it will result in the death of the newborn infant.13

In case of hypertrophy of the labia minora, circumcision is done for aesthetic reasons. Sometimes it is done for hygienic reasons.11

FGC is recognized worldwide as a fundamental violation of the human rights of girls and women. It reflects deep-rooted inequality between the sexes and constitutes an extreme form of discrimination against women. It involves violation of rights of the children and violation of a person’s right to health, security, and physical integrity, the right to be free from torture and cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment, and the right to life when the procedure results in death. Furthermore, girls usually undergo the practice without their informed consent, depriving them of the opportunity to make independent decision about their bodies.7 Another implication of FGC at early childhood age is that the female themselves grow into adulthood without the awareness of having had genital mutilation.

The complications of female genital cutting depend on the type and extent of the procedure. The most severe form, infibulation, which is usually carried out by untrained personnel in rural settings, carry the greatest health hazard been increased morbidity, psychological problems, and even death.11

FGC has been associated with various sexual and reproductive health challenges in literatures, including sexual dysfunction, painful intercourse, infertility, clitoral cyst, reduced sexual desire and satisfaction, and recurrent urinary tract infection 14,15

Difficulty of sexual intercourse and sexual dysfunction with resultant sexual dissatisfaction, especially in the female, could result in marital disharmony, reactive depression and in some cases psychosis.16

However, recent work on the sexual experiences of women with FGC is relatively lacking in FGC burden countries including Nigeria. The latest study on this issue utilized 2008 NDHS data to investigate the relationship between FGC and sexual behavior assessed using age at sexual initiation and number of lifetime partner.17

The results of a study conducted in Edo State, Nigeria indicate that genital cutting does not reduce the level of sexual activity in women. By contrast, the study suggest that genital cutting may predispose women to adverse sexuality outcomes including early pregnancy and reproductive tract infections.18

The study which utilizes the NDHS data, talks about female genital cutting and sexual behavior by marital status among a nationally representative sample of Nigerian women, it shows there is no evidence to support the claim that FGC prevents premarital sex and ensures marital fidelity in Nigeria 19  and is in consonance with another study that found no relationship between female genital circumcision and age at first intercourse in Nigeria and Kenya 20, and disproves the assertion that circumcised women were more likely to initiate first sexual experience compared to uncircumcised women.21 This study also revealed that ever married women who were mutilated were at lower risk of having multiple sexual partners in contrast to a study in Sierra Leone that showed an increased risk of multiple sexual partners among circumcised women.22

The study disproves one of the cultural beliefs deeply held to which also forms a basis for the practice of FGC, which is supposedly aimed at reducing promiscuity and ensuring acceptable sexual behavior including virginity and fidelity 23,24. Therefore, there is need to understand the underlying complexities of this cultural belief in order to design successful, culturally acceptable, and correctly targeted FGM eradication campaigns 24, 25. However, there are some potential limitations to this particular study, causal relationship was not established as national data was used for interpretation and FGC was self-reported by participants. Therefore, some questions assessing sexual behavior characteristics may be under reported (example, under reporting of age at first sexual initiation or virginity status due to societal and cultural expectations). To address such limitations, studies that test true causal relationship should be used and good methodological approach towards data collection should be encouraged. Generally, emphasis should be made to encourage more research on FGC especially in the Northern Nigeria where only few studies are available and such practices are still carried out.

Many initiatives, approaches and efforts that have been initiated to eradicate the practice of FGM including increasing legislation 15, 24 and messaging that inform on the adverse health effects are without much success 26,27,28. Exposure of negative health consequences or criminalization of the practice often time results in the medicalization of FGC and introduction of various methods to continue the practice secretly 29. Nigeria ratified the Child Rights Charter in 2001 30 and outlawed FGC in 2015 by enacting the Violence Against Persons (Prohibition) Act 31. Many state governments have also domesticated the Child Rights Act and criminalized FGC in their respective states, but with little to show for it, as the trend for FGC continues with minimal decline.32

In Nigeria, FGM is being tackled by WHO, United Nations International Children Emergency Fund (UNICEF), Federation of International Obstetrics and Gynecology (FIGO), African Union, the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA), and many women organizations. Intensification of education of the general public at all levels has been done with emphasis on the dangers and undesirability of FGM.7

Even though cultural norms and values are integral elements in shaping views and behavioral patterns of the community, FGC is one of the harmful cultural beliefs and practices that have no scientific proven medical basis and therefore must be abolished.

A multidisciplinary approach is needed to tackle this deep rooted legendary practice of FGM. There is a need for legislation in Nigeria with health education and female emancipation in the society. The process of social change in the community with a collective, coordinated agreement to abandon the practice “community-led action” is therefore essential.34 With improvement in education and social status of women and increased awareness of complications of FGM, most women who underwent FGM disapprove of the practice and only very few are prepared to subject their daughters to such harmful procedures.4 The more educated, more informed, and more active socially and economically a woman is, the more she is able to appreciate and understand the hazards of harmful practices like FGM and sees it as unnecessary procedure and refuses to accept such harmful practice and refuses to subject her daughter to such an operation.7

Medicalization of FGC involving trained health workers might reduce harm especially in communities resistant to change. Though, the WHO is strongly against this medicalization and has advised that neither FGM must be institutionalized nor should any form of FGM be performed by any health professional in any setting, including hospitals or in the home setting.33Stakeholders should support families and communities to strengthen their efforts toward abandoning the practice and to improve care for those who have undergone FGC. A culturally acceptable approach respecting individual’s values and beliefs regarding FGC should be encouraged to help improve sexual and overall wellbeing across population groups.

 

REFERENCES

  1. World Health Organization: Female Genital Mutilation: An overview. Geneva: World Health Organization; 1998.
  2. WHO. 2013. Female Genital Mutilation. World Health Organization. http://who.int/mediacentre/factsheets/fs241/en (accessed September 18, 2015).
  3. UNICEF. Children’s and Women’s right in Nigeria: A wake up call. Situation Assessment and Analysis. Harmful Traditional Practice (FGM) Abuja NPC and UNICEF Nigeria; 2001. p. 195-200.
  4. Odoi A T. Female genital mutilation: In Kwawukume EY, Emuveyan EE (eds) Comprehensive Gynecology in the Tropics. 1st ed. Accra: Graphic Packaging Ltd; 2005. p. 268-78.
  5. Adegoke P. Ibadan University Humanist Society. Female Genital Mutilation: An African Humanist view. November, 2005
  6. Kolawole, A. O. D., and K. Anke. 2010. A review of determinants of female genital mutilation in Nigeria. Journal of Medicine and Medical Sciences1 (11):510–15
  7. Okeke, T. C., U. S. B. Anyaehie, and C. C. K. Ezenyeaku. An overview of female genital mutilation in Nigeria. Annals of Medical and Health Sciences Research. 2012; 2 (1):70–73. doi: https://doi.org/10.4103%2F2141-9248.96942
  8. Okhiai, O. I., O. B. Donije, and E. C. Asika. Awareness of health risks of female genital mutilation among women of childbearing age in two rural communities of Nigeria. Asian Journal of Medical Sciences. 2011; 3 (6):223–27.
  9. Hathout HM. Some aspects of female circumcision. J Obstet Gynaecol Brit Emp 1963; 70:505-7.
  10. World Health Organization. Female genital mutilation. A joint WHO/UNICEF/UNFPA statement. Geneva: World Health Organization; 1997.
  11. Mandara. M.U. et al. Female genital mutilation in Nigeria. International Journal of Gynecology and Obstetrics 84 (2004) 291–298 doi: 10.1016/j.ijgo.2003.06.001
  12. WHO. Female genital mutilation: information kit. WHO/FRH/WHD/.26. 1996. p. 96.
  13. Oguntuyi A. History of Ekiti. Ibadan: Bisi Books, 1979. p. 28 –29.
  14. Alsibiani SA, Rouzi AA. Sexual function in women with female genital mutilation. 64th annual meeting of the American Society for Reproductive Medicine. San Francisco, California., Elsevier Inc 2008.
  15. Berg RC, Denison E, Fretheim A. Psychological, social and sexual consequences of female genital mutilation/cutting (FGM/CFGM/C): a systematic review of quantitative studies. Report from Norwegian Knowledge Centre for the Health Services. 2010:13.
  16. Mustafa AZ. Female circumcision and infibulation in the Sudan. J Obstet Gynaecol Br Cwlth 1966; 73:302 –306.
  17. World Bank’s total population and age/sex distributions of the United Nations Population Division’s World Population Prospects: 2019 https://data. world bank. org/ indicator/ SP. POP. 1564. TO. ZS.
  18. Okonofua. F.E. et al.  The association between female genital cutting and correlates of sexual and gynecological morbidity in Edo State, Nigeria. An International Journal of Obstetrics and Gynecology October 2002, Vol. 109, pp. 1089–1096
  19. Adelekan et al. Female genital mutilation and sexual behavior by marital status among a nationally representative sample of Nigerian women. Reproductive Health. (2022) 19:91 https://doi.org/10.1186/s12978-022-01379
  20. Mpofu S, Odimegwu C, De Wet N, Adedini S, Akinyemi J. The relation of female circumcision to sexual behavior in Kenya and Nigeria. Women Health. 2017;57(7):757–74. https:// doi. org/ 10. 1080/ 03630 242. 2016. 1206054 (Epub 2016 Jun 29 PMID: 27355616).
  21. Wagner N. Why female genital cutting persists, International Institute of Social Studies at Erasmus University Rotterdam, Kortenaerkade 2012. https:// www. Research gate. net/ profi le/ Natascha_ Wagne r2/ publi cation/ 22882 9687_ Why_ female_ genit al_ cutti ng_ persi sts/ links/ 00b49 5236cb68a3 90e00 0000.pdf.
  22. Ahinkorah B, Hagan J, Seidu A, Budu E, Armah-Ansah E, Adu C, Yaya SE, et al. Empirical linkages between female genital mutilation and multiple sexual partnership: evidence from the 2018 Mali and 2013 Sierra Leone Demographic and Health Surveys. J Biosoc Sci. 2018; 2021:1–16. https://doi. org/ 10. 1017/ S0021 93202 10001 09.
  23. Ojo TO, Ijadunola MO. Socio-demographic factors associated with female genital cutting among women of reproductive age in Nigeria. Eur Soc Contracep Reprod Health. 2017. https:// doi. org/ 10. 1080/ 13625 187. 2017.13280 48.
  24. Working with Women and Girls Who Have Experienced Female Genital Cutting http:// www. serc. mb. ca/ site/ default/ files/ resources/ WrkwithWomen% 26Gir ls2015. pdf. 2015.
  25. Ismail EA. Female genital mutilation survey In: Somaliland. Hargeisa, Somaliland: The Edna Adan Maternity and Teaching Hospital; 2009.
  26. Population Council. Using Operation Research to Strengthen Programs for Encouraging abandonment of Female Genital Cutting. Report of the Consultative Meeting on Methodological Issues for FGC Research Nairobi http:// www. popco uncil. org/ pdfs/ front iers/ nairo bi_ fgcmtg. pdf.
  27. Behrendt A. Listening to African voices female genital mutilation/cutting among immigrants in Hamburg: Knowledge, Attitudes and Practice. Hamburg: Plan; 2012.
  28. Yirga WS, Kassa NA, Gegremicheal MW, Aro AR. Female genital mutilation: prevalence, perceptions and effect on women’s health in Kersa district of Ethiopia. Int J Women’s Health. 2012; 4:45–54.
  29. Feldman-Jacobs C, Ryniak S, Wilcher R, Shears K, Ellsberg M. Fua I, et al. abandoning female genital mutilation/cutting: an in-depth look at promising practices. Population Reference Bureau; 2006.
  30. Yerima TF, Atidoga DF. Eradicating the practice of female circumcision/female genital mutilation in Nigeria within the context of human rights. J Law Policy Global. 2014; 28:129–140.
  31. Muthumbi J, Svanemyr J, Scolaro E, et al. Female genital mutilation: a literature review of the current status of legislation and policies in 27 African countries and Yemen. Afr J Reprod Health. 2015; 19:32–40.
  32. T. O. Ojo & M. Y. Ijadunola (2017) Sociodemographic factors associated with female genital cutting among women of reproductive age in Nigeria. The European Journal of Contraception & Reproductive Health Care. 22:4, 274-279, DOI:10.1080/13625187.2017.1328048
  33. WHO Elimination of FGM in Nigeria Plot 617/618 Diplomatic drive, Central District Abuja. Family Health Department, Federal Ministry of Health Phase II Federal Secretariat Abuja Dec 2007.
  34. UNICEF. Changing a harmful social convention: Female genital mutilation/cutting. Innocent Digest. Florence: UNICEF; 2005.

From Potsdam 1945 to Munich 2026: Technological Leap and Backward Trends in Global Governance, Inequality, and Planetary Health

IN A NUTSHELL
Author's Note 
...From Potsdam to Munich, humanity has achieved extraordinary technological progress and dramatic improvements in life expectancy and knowledge. Yet governance, equity, and ecological stewardship lag. Institutional legitimacy erodes, health inequities persist, and planetary systems degrade.

The way forward is clear: humanity must align technology, governance, and justice...

By Juan Garay

Co-Chair of the Sustainable Health Equity Movement (SHEM)

Professor/Researcher of Health Equity, Ethics and Metrics (Spain, Mexico, Cuba, Brazil)

Founder of Valyter Ecovillage (valyter.es)

 

By the same Author on PEAH: see HERE

From Potsdam 1945 to Munich 2026

Technological Leap and Backward Trends in Global Governance, Inequality, and Planetary Health

 

Eighty-one years ago, the world gathered at Potsdam, emerging from the devastation of a global war, with a shared vision: rebuild societies, prevent future conflicts, and create institutions to safeguard human rights, peace, and cooperation. At that time, humanity numbered 2.3 billion, global life expectancy was 46 years, and scientific and technological advances were still in their infancy. The moral and institutional ambitions of Potsdam were bold: create a rules-based order where diplomacy, multilateralism, and human dignity could guide global action.

Today, in 2026, the contrast is stark. The Munich Security Conference unfolds in a world of more than 8 billion people, twenty more years of average life expectancy, and unprecedented technological capabilities—artificial intelligence, quantum computing, biotechnology, advanced medicine, renewable energy, and space exploration. And yet, the institutions that once promised global solidarity, equitable governance, and environmental stewardship have not kept pace. Where Potsdam embodied reconstruction and normative leadership, Munich emphasizes deterrence, military-industrial expansion, and long-term confrontation. Humanity has the tools to solve planetary crises, yet governance, wealth distribution, and moral leadership lag dangerously behind.

Western institutions, long seen as defenders of peace, human rights, and multilateralism, now increasingly prioritize security and strategic influence. Munich 2026 demonstrates that support and attention are selective: strong for Ukraine, limited for crises outside Europe, and sometimes contingent on strategic interests rather than universal rights. Partnerships with authoritarian regimes continue under the guise of energy security, migration control, or industrial competition. For much of the Global South, this selective advocacy signals that moral authority is instrumental rather than universal, eroding trust in Western leadership.

Technological acceleration compounds economic inequality. Automation, AI, and digital platforms concentrate wealth and information power in fewer hands. Today, the top decile holds over 50% of global wealth, and less than 10% of the population controls the dominant financial and media flows that shape trade, consumption, and politics. These inequalities are not abstract—they directly shape health outcomes. SHEM analyses emphasize that inequality is a causal determinant of morbidity and mortality, determining exposure to hazards, access to nutrition, healthcare, and social resilience. Without structural change, widening inequities will deepen health disparities and accelerate intergenerational decline.

Environmental degradation intensifies these challenges. Climate change, biodiversity loss, deforestation, and ecosystem disruption increasingly drive human health risks. Heat-related mortality rises, vector-borne diseases expand, food insecurity worsens, and pandemics become more likely. Vulnerable populations suffer the most, amplifying inequities. Technology alone cannot offset these ecological-social interactions; governance, justice, and equitable resource distribution are decisive.

SHEM data estimate that roughly 16 million deaths annually are avoidable if inequity were addressed. Counterfactual equity comparisons suggest that life outcomes could match those of the most advantaged populations under sustainable conditions. Distribution-sensitive metrics reveal how averages hide disparities, while universal dignity thresholds—ensuring access to income, nutrition, housing, healthcare, and education—offer a measurable path toward equity. Further details and resources are available at https://www.sustainablehealthequity.org/webnair.

Looking toward the second half of the 21st century, risks compound: widening health disparities, climate-driven displacement, increased epidemic potential, food-system collapse from biodiversity loss, and declining intergenerational wellbeing. Technological capacity is not enough without equitable governance and ecological stewardship.

Global governance structures must adapt. The UN’s legitimacy depends on neutrality and geographic balance, yet its headquarters and Security Council remain concentrated in the West. The veto system allows a handful of states to block action even in mass-atrocity situations, limiting coordinated responses to crises that threaten health, dignity, and planetary stability. Reform is urgently needed: limit veto power in humanitarian emergencies, expand representative membership, introduce supermajority voting, and ultimately end privileges of structural supremacy that allow any single country to dominate global security decisions.

Economic redistribution is equally critical. SHEM modelling suggests that 5–7% of global GDP redirected toward universal dignity thresholds—providing roughly 10 USD PPP per person per day for income, nutrition, housing, healthcare, and education—could secure minimum living standards worldwide. This is modest compared to wealth concentrated above the “hoarding threshold” (~70 USD PPP per person per day) held by less than 10% of the population. Munich 2026 illustrates how security-focused politics continue to protect elite privilege at the expense of universal social protection.

From Potsdam to Munich, humanity has achieved extraordinary technological progress and dramatic improvements in life expectancy and knowledge. Yet governance, equity, and ecological stewardship lag. Institutional legitimacy erodes, health inequities persist, and planetary systems degrade.

The way forward is clear: humanity must align technology, governance, and justice. This requires democratized and geographically balanced governance, economic redistribution sufficient to guarantee universal dignity, and a normative shift from privilege-preserving competition toward cooperative planetary stewardship. Only by integrating these three dimensions can we secure the health and dignity of current and future generations, turning our technological potential into a force for equitable and sustainable global wellbeing.

 

References

United Nations. Charter of the United Nations. https://www.un.org/en/about-us/un-charter

World Health Organization. Social determinants of health. https://www.who.int/health-topics/social-determinants-of-health

Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. Assessment Reports. https://www.ipcc.ch/reports/

United Nations Environment Programme. Global Environment Outlook. https://www.unep.org/resources/global-environment-outlook

World Bank. World Development Indicators. https://databank.worldbank.org/source/world-development-indicators

International Monetary Fund. Technology and inequality analyses. https://www.imf.org/en/Topics/Inequality

International Labour Organization. World Employment and Social Outlook. https://www.ilo.org/global/research/global-reports/weso

Sustainable Health Equity Movement (SHEM). Webinar materials on health equity and avoidable burden of inequity. https://www.sustainablehealthequity.org/webnair

News Flash 652: Weekly Snapshot of Public Health Challenges

News Flash Links, as part of the research project PEAH (Policies for Equitable Access to Health), aim to focus on the latest challenges by trade and governments rules to equitable access to health in resource-limited settings

Bluespotted cornetfish (Fistularia commersonii)

News Flash 652

Weekly Snapshot of Public Health Challenges

 

Health Policy Analysis in LMICs Seminar Series: Spring 2026 lineup announced (Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health)

Global economy must move past GDP to avoid planetary disaster, warns UN chief

Social Innovation in Health Initiative

How African Governments Responded to the 2025 Aid Shock

Event registration: Reimagining financing in conflict-affected settings: lessons from education, health and social protection 25 Feb 2026

WHO Executive Board Adopts New Efficiency Measures But Can They Stick?

EB 158 – Constituency statement of Knowledge Ecology International, Health Action International, Global Health Council, World Council of Churches, and Oxfam International: WHO’s work in health emergencies

Medicines Law & Policy statement at WHO PABS negotiations (IGWG 5)

The Untold Story of Herbal Medicine in Zambia’s COVID-19 Response: Why African Governments Must Invest in Traditional Health Systems  by Muunda Mudenda

Webinar registration: IFIC Forum Discussion on Information and Technology (Nine Pillars of Integrated Care) Feb 24, 2026

Historic Africa-Led HIV Vaccine Trial Begins in South Africa

HRR804. NEOLIBERALISM: DO YOU KNOW WHAT IT IS? (George Monbiot)

Rethinking health-care systems to tackle social isolation and frailty

Time For State-Based Single Payer: The New York Health Act

‘After Decades of Denial and Silence, the Suffering of Rohingya People Is Being Heard at the World’s Highest Court’

Pakistan’s Baloch students are vanishing, and no one is held accountable

Helping care reach people in Daraya after years of war

Ten ways to build a new narrative for humanitarianism

Over four million girls still at risk of female genital mutilation: UN leaders call for sustained commitment and investment to end FGM

Closing the Gender Gap in Women’s Health and Labour Force Participation: G20 Call To Action  by Jeanette  Olorunniwo and Dhristi Agarwal

Science academies failing to put women at the top

A decolonial feminist perspective on gender equality programming in the Global South

The real ‘nanny tax’? Not being able to breastfeed your own baby

Three African countries agree to UK migrant returns after visa penalty threat

Floods and Food Security: The Hidden Cost to Crops and Soil

UK to cut climate finance to poor countries by a fifth despite promising more help

Intervention research to protect human health in the era of climate extremes

EU-banned pesticides widely used in Latin America

A Business Necessity: Align With Nature or Risk Collapse, IPBES Report Warns

Why Health Must Be Central to Climate Adaptation – Right from the Start

 

 

 

 

 

 

Closing the Gender Gap in Women’s Health and Labour Force Participation: G20 Call To Action

IN A NUTSHELL
Authors' Note



Renewed policy action that places women’s health at the focal point of the agenda is essential if the international economic targets are to be met. Especially because closing the women’s health gap will potentially yield economic gains that will have a world changing impact and transform lives.

Effective governance for women’s health must include: national task forces that are truly representative and dedicated to addressing women’s health system gaps. Annual reporting mechanisms linking women’s health outcomes to budget cycles, regulatory reforms that accelerate the approval and integration of women-focused technologies while meeting clinical safety standards, mandatory diagnostic referral standards that ensure timely investigation after repeated presentations and cross-sector coordination between officials in the health, finance, labour, and digital ministries. Political commitment must be converted into measurable policy action. Without these reforms in governance structures, women’s health remains dependent on individual initiatives rather than the systemic change necessary to drive economic growth

By Jeanette  Olorunniwo

Program Assistant

Dhristi Agarwal

Women’s Health Innovation Policy Associate

The Dove Foundation for Global Change

Closing the Gender Gap in Women’s Health and Labour Force Participation

G20 Call To Action

 

No country can achieve sustained economic growth, human capital expansion, or long-term stability when half its population experiences disproportionately high rates of preventable ill health. Despite this, cardiovascular disease remains the leading cause of death among women, responsible for approximately 33% of female deaths globally. Even with this significant burden, it continues to be underdiagnosed and undertreated, as women’s symptom profiles can vary from those traditionally emphasised in medical education and clinical guidelines. Maternal mortality remains one of the clearest indicators of inequality in women’s health. Every day, 700 women die from pregnancy-related causes, while 16 babies die every two minutes. Breast and cervical cancer outcomes are still major areas of health inequity as they depend largely on geography and income and screening access is inconsistent.

Unfortunately, these patterns are not isolated anomalies, they reflect systematic flaws in research priorities and clinical standards across health systems globally. These harmful attitudes recur at many points: reproductive health conditions are frequently normalised or dismissed, autoimmune disorders are often misattributed and minimised to solely psychological causes, chronic pain conditions are often deprioritised in clinical assessment and do not incur thorough investigation or referral. The issue is not limited to individual clinician behaviour, it is evidence of the effects of bias and inequity in how women’s health needs are conceptualised, studied, and addressed.

Women worldwide routinely encounter delays in diagnosis, fragmented care, and health systems insufficiently designed around their biological, social, and economic needs. We aim to draw attention to the fact that the consequence of these failures results in women spending extended periods of their lives living with undiagnosed, untreated, or inadequately managed conditions. This is certainly the case in conditions such as as lupus, rheumatoid arthritis, multiple sclerosis, Hashimoto’s disease, and thyroid disorders. In many of these cases women’s symptoms are deprioritised until the condition becomes chronic. This manifests in reduced workforce participation, diminished productivity, increased health and social care costs, and broader constraints on national economic performance.

It is profoundly evident that women’s health is not just a sectoral or socio-political issue, it is one of the most powerful macroeconomic levers available to governments today. The paradox of women’s life expectancy vs years spent in good health is an issue that The Dove Foundation of Global Change (DFGC) is calling the G20 parliamentarians and policy makers to invest efforts and resources into solving. The pledges of the past have sparked various action and initiatives aimed at addressing these issues, however the economic burden persists. The Brisbane Goal outlined in 2014 had a clear aim: “Reduce the gender gap in labour force participation by 25% by 2025” from which the phrase ‘25 by 25’ emerged. However, the G20 cannot uphold such commitments as women’s health problems still prevent millions from maximising their productivity and workforce participation. As 2025 has ended, the failure of the G20 to secure significant progress in obtaining the Brisbane Goal warrants a thorough reexamination of the attitudes and actions required to attain the economic benchmarks envisioned. Renewed policy action that places women’s health at the focal point of the agenda is essential if the international economic targets are to be met. Especially because closing the women’s health gap will potentially yield economic gains that will have a world changing impact and transform lives.

Amongst the G20 nations sits over 80% of global GDP and approximately ⅔ of the global population. The evidence strongly indicates that closing the women’s health gap could unlock $400 billion in global GDP annually by 2040 realized mainly within G20 economies. While some progress has been made with 9 of the G20 countries meeting the Brisbane goal, the 2040 $400 billion GDP gains annual target can only be actualised when all nations prioritise addressing the prevalent challenges within women’s healthcare. With 9 of the 20 nations engaging with the objectives of the Brisbane goal the workforce had a potential expansion of 100 million workers; this effect would only be multiplied by the cooperation of the remaining 11 nations. The cost of inaction is very high, data published by McKinsey demonstrates that:

  • 3.9 billion women worldwide spend 25 % more of their lives in poor health than men
  • 75 million disability‑adjusted life‑years lost through illness
  • Billions is lost in potential GDP earnings annually in high income countries due to illnesses that disproportionately affect women

According to the Global Alliance for Women’s Health working groups “addressing health disparities could have a greater impact on mortality for conditions affecting life span than any single treatment studied in recent clinical trials.”

Lucy Pérez Senior Partner with McKinsey & Company states: “There is a tremendous opportunity to support the health of women, and a clear business case for making these investments.” The multiplier effect that national economies will experience for targeted investment into women’s health research is significant. The London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine have identified the impact of investing in women’s healthcare on the advancement of socioeconomic development. Their new Global Investment Framework showed that increasing health expenditure by just $5 per person per year up to 2035 could yield up to 9 times that value in economic and social growth as improvement in maternal health will cause better childhood outcomes producing higher future earnings. These gains could also be achieved by an additional investment of $30 billion per year, equivalent to a 2% increase above current spending.

Not only is an investment in gender-specific research and treatment pathways for these underrepresented conditions necessary, there is also a need to review the leadership structures in these spaces. Women make up 76% of the unpaid care work force globally. The underrepresentation of women in health leadership roles, despite their dominance in the health workforce, creates persistent blind spots in policy, procurement, and regulatory frameworks. Addressing women’s health requires intentional governance reforms. The McKinsey Health Institute in collaboration with the World Economic Forum released a report that established 5 key pillars that create the blueprint foreclosing the gender health gap- an initiative they predict could be a ‘$1trillion dollar opportunity to improve lives and economies’:

  • Count women- improve data collection methodologies
  • Study women- conduct specific research on the drivers and effects of sex-based differences
  • Care for women- adopt guidelines that align with the evidence for gender-specific care
  • Include all women- retain an emphasis on health equity and inclusion
  • Invest in women- dedicate resources to support women’s health R&D and leadership

Effective governance for women’s health must include: national task forces that are truly representative and dedicated to addressing women’s health system gaps. Annual reporting mechanisms linking women’s health outcomes to budget cycles, regulatory reforms that accelerate the approval and integration of women-focused technologies while meeting clinical safety standards, mandatory diagnostic referral standards that ensure timely investigation after repeated presentations and cross-sector coordination between officials in the health, finance, labour, and digital ministries. Political commitment must be converted into measurable policy action. Without these reforms in governance structures, women’s health remains dependent on individual initiatives rather than the systemic change necessary to drive economic growth.

The Dove Foundation for Global Change is making the following recommendations to the G20 nations:

  • Establish a multi-sectoral G20 taskforce that convenes healthcare policymakers, health regulators, industry leaders, civil society, academic institutions, and research organizations to develop an urgent implementation plan for women’s health.
  • At the national level, each G20 country must create an immediate women’s health taskforce comprising civil society, research institutions, the private sector, and relevant government bodies to accelerate action on women’s health challenges and gaps.
  • Issue a call for R&D investment in new innovations addressing the full care pathway for women’s health conditions.
  • Members of Parliament pledging to champion this initiative must publicly commit to prioritizing women’s health and backing diagnostic and treatment programmes for their constituents.
  • Local hospitals and physicians must ensure that women presenting with identical health conditions across two separate visits receive immediate referral for further diagnostic testing.

The ramifications of the efforts of this campaign and the subsequent positive actions taken by the G20 nations to support the campaign will extend far beyond individual women. Investors, researchers, academics, non-profit organisations, life science institutions, and government bodies have vested interests in advancing women’s health. Healthier women are the bedrock of strong families, dynamic communities, thriving workplace environments, and durable economies. This signals promise within the commercial marketplace with the prospect for new products and services relating to the women’s healthcare ecosystem to emerge. Improving women’s health throughout their lives could drive at least $1 trillion in additional combined annual economic growth by 2040. Investing in women’s health is not simply a gender issue; it is a macro‑economic imperative that safeguards the prosperity of our societies as a whole.

 

References

https://www.mckinsey.com/mhi/media-center/new-report-highlights-one-trillion-potential-of-closing-womens-health-gap

https://www.mckinsey.com/mhi/our-insights/blueprint-to-close-the-womens-health-gap-how-to-improve-lives-and-economies-for-all

https://researchonline.lshtm.ac.uk/id/eprint/1726191/

https://www.weforum.org/publications/closing-the-women-s-health-gap-a-1-trillion-opportunity-to-improve-lives-and-economies/

https://www.nature.com/articles/s44222-024-00253-7

https://www.bmj.com/content/bmj/369/bmj.m1175.full.pdf

 

The Untold Story of Herbal Medicine in Zambia’s COVID-19 Response: Why African Governments Must Invest in Traditional Health Systems

IN A NUTSHELL
Author's Note 
In my most recent role (2023-2025), I worked as a Scientific Officer at the National Institute for Scientific and Industrial Research (NISIR), Zambia. In that time, I led a team of Natural Products Research activities, including study design, methods development, report writing, results dissemination, and community outreach initiatives. I also planned, mobilised, and delivered two online public lectures: (1) “Quality and Safety of Herbal Medicines” and (2) “HERBS vs. HARDSHIP: Can Herbal Medicines Save Lives in a Post-USAID Era?”

Furthermore, I served as a member of the Technical Experts (Equipment Sub-Committee) for the $2.5 million NISIR Modernisation Project, a government initiative under the Ministry of Technology and Science aimed at enhancing NISIR's research and development capacity.

This article is a product of my time there, and it summarises the two presentations I made at scientific conferences in Mauritius and South Africa

 By Muunda Mudenda

PhD Student

Laboratory of Translational Cancer Genomics

Faculty of Medicine in Pilsen, Charles University

Czech Republic 

The Untold Story of Herbal Medicine in Zambia’s COVID-19 Response

 Why African Governments Must Invest in Traditional Health Systems

 

What Really Happened?

The recent COVID-19 global pandemic had several life-changing effects on the social and economic realities of many societies worldwide. For one, we realised how fragile life is due to the 7 million deaths resulting from more than 770 million confirmed infections.

Economically, lockdown measures translated into the loss of jobs and livelihoods for many people in both the developed and developing worlds. Some large and small businesses slowed their operations, while others had to downsize to accommodate the new reality and stay afloat.

While all this was happening, African countries also realised the gaps in their healthcare systems. We understood how underfunded the systems are, how access to healthcare is poor, how we have insufficient medications, overwhelmed staff, weak R&D (facilities, human resources), and a significant lack of manufacturing capacity for diagnostic tools and vaccines.

Interestingly, the pandemic also highlighted an untapped resource – our wealth of natural products and traditional medicine.

In the heat of the COVID-19 pandemic (2020 – 2023), Zambia experienced the power of indigenous knowledge as urban and rural communities turned to traditional herbal remedies to manage symptoms of the disease. Zambians turned to readily available herbal remedies like concoctions containing ginger, garlic, hibiscus, eucalyptus, and other unidentified herbs as key ingredients to alleviate symptoms such as fevers, headaches, loss of taste, shortness of breath, and chest pains.

Until now, the extent to which herbal medicine formulations curbed the burden of COVID-19 in Zambia has not been reported. Our lab, the Natural Products Laboratory, at the National Institute for Scientific and Industrial Research (NISIR), sought to address this gap by retrospectively investigating the use of Indigenous herbal formulations during the pandemic.

To achieve our research goal, we reviewed publications on three key aspects: scientific contributions, economic activities related to the importation of herbs and spices, and community reports about the use of herbal medicines to prevent or treat COVID-19.

Zambia’s Scientific Contribution to Herbal Medicine Research During COVID-19

Out of 1,101 research studies that were retrieved (2020 – 2023) from four reputable scientific databases (Scopus, Google Scholar, PubMed, and JSTOR), only 0.54% (6) were authored by Zambians, while 1.45% (16) referenced Zambia as one of the countries that relied on herbal medicines during the pandemic. Furthermore, none of the publications reported laboratory or clinical pieces of evidence for the use of herbal medicines as a safe and efficacious intervention. The publications were reviews that combined subjects like politics, philosophy, religion, and economics.

While such interdisciplinary reporting contributed to the description of a broader interest in herbal medicines in the country during the pandemic, it also emphasised the lack of dedicated research on the safety, efficacy, and effectiveness of herbal formulations against COVID-19.

Furthermore, successful policy formulations to support the use of medical interventions during a major public health emergency like COVID-19 demand a solid evidence base, which was lacking during Zambia’s COVID-19 experience.

Defining Herbal Medicine During

Herbal medicines, also known as phytomedicines, refer to preparations made from plants’ leaves, bark, roots, seeds, or flowers that are used in Indigenous communities for medicinal purposes.

These preparations were adopted during the COVID-19 pandemic in various traditional medicine practices across different regions of the world. For example, in India, as part of Ayurveda, in China, as part of Traditional Chinese Medicine (TCM), and in Africa, as African Traditional Medicine (ATM).

According to the World Health Organisation (WHO), these preparations are used by more than 80% of people in developing countries due to low cost, and they also serve as an important reservoir for pharmacological drug development.

The use of traditional medicine as a primary intervention during COVID-19 was also encouraged by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO). 

Tracing the Impact of COVID-19 on Import Trends of Herbs and Spices

From the economic point of view, we observed a positive relationship between the number of COVID-19 cases and the demand for herbal imports, particularly during the peak phase of the pandemic. For example, from December 2020 to December 2021, a marked surge in COVID-19 cases escalated from 20,725 to 150,000. Concurrently, Zambia’s import value of herbs and spices increased by 11.53% from approximately $2.95 million to $3.29 million.

As the pandemic transitioned into its second year (December 2021 to December 2022), COVID-19 case numbers fell to 100,000, potentially due to successful vaccine campaigns, improved public awareness, or accumulated natural immunity within the population. Correspondingly, the import value of herbs declined by 8.81% to around $3.00 million.

In the final phase from December 2022 to December 2023, COVID-19 cases continued to decrease to 79,287. Yet, contrary to expectations of a further decline in herb importation, the import value saw a slight rebound to $3.05 million, a 1.67% increase.

This observed relationship between the number of COVID-19 cases and the import value of herbs and spices underscored the influence of public health crises on health-seeking behaviours, particularly in the context where 70% of the Zambian population depends on traditional medicine.

Further research into the long-term impacts of such trends could inform strategies that integrate complementary medicine into public health frameworks, optimising resilience against future public health emergencies.

Community Claims and Use of Herbal Medicines During COVID-19

While the pandemic was partly managed using vaccines and other repurposed drugs such as Chloroquine and Hydroxychloroquine, these interventions came more than a year after the first case of COVID-19 was reported. Zambia received its first consignment of Oxford’s AstraZeneca COVID-19 vaccine on 12th April 2021, and yet Zambians still had to survive the disease.

Before the vaccine, the situation was worsened by depleting resources in an already burdened health system with poor access, a lack of bed spaces and drugs, and a dilapidated healthcare infrastructure. Moreover, preventive measures such as the use of hand sanitisers, hand washing soap and nose masks proved expensive for communities that lived below the poverty line.

Vaccine hesitancy was also a major area of concern as many African countries showed scepticism about the safety and efficacy of the COVID-19 vaccines. A report by Afrobarometer about COVID-19 vaccines in Zambia said, “About half of Zambians would choose prayer over a vaccine to prevent getting COVID-19”. Such sentiments about vaccines fueled the use of home-based traditional herbal concoctions, which 70% of the country has relied on since pre-COVID-19 times for various other illnesses.

Interestingly, the use of these remedies was encouraged by both local and international organisations such as the Ministry of Health (MoH), the World Health Organisation (WHO), the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO), and the United States Agency for International Development (USAID).

According to the World Health Organisation (WHO), herbal medicines were widely used due to ease of access, low cost, and strong cultural heritage. Local communities embraced herbal medicines to treat SARS-CoV-2 infection symptoms, such as fevers, headaches, diarrhoea, coughs, and fatigue. All this usage was despite the lack of scientific evidence about the safety and efficacy of such herbal concoctions against the disease.

Interestingly, trends about increased use of herbs and spices to prevent and treat COVID-19 were also observed in several other African and non-African countries. For example, Madagascar promoted an Artemisia plant-based herbal tonic called COVID Organics for prevention and treatment. The use of Artemisia annua was also reported in other countries, including Tanzania and China. 

What Needs to Change for Herbal Medicine to Work Better as a Strategy During Public Health Emergencies

There is strong scientific, economic, and social evidence, albeit anecdotal, to suggest that herbal medicines contributed significantly to the reduction of both mortality and morbidity.

Our study concluded that herbal medicines can be leveraged as a strategy to mitigate public health emergencies. This conclusion is also supported by the historical use of herbal medicines during local outbreaks such as HIV/AIDS and Cholera, as well as existing high acceptance rates for solutions that come from herbal medicines.

However, to use herbal medicines as a successful strategy to create pandemic-ready health systems, several efforts must be made:

Establish minimum research funding benchmarks. Currently, research funding remains critically inadequate. African Union member states should commit at least 1% of their national budgets to R&D, which in turn should have a dedicated allocation to traditional medicine research. This would create budget lines with peer accountability through annual AU reporting mechanisms.

Develop national and regional centres of excellence. Each African country requires at least one fully equipped herbal medicine research facility with complete capabilities from phytochemical analysis, pharmacological testing, clinical trials, and GMP-compliant production. These centres should operate under harmonised continental protocols through the regional centres and the African Medicines Agency. This would enable mutual recognition of validated products and rapid deployment during emergencies.

Implement structured public-private-community partnerships. The structures could be designed to include: Tax incentives (5-10 year holidays), matching grants, and benefit-sharing frameworks that attract private investment while protecting traditional knowledge holders. Furthermore, communities must receive royalties from commercialised formulations, with prior informed consent protocols preventing biopiracy.

Integrate herbal medicine into health systems. This includes incorporating evidence-based modules into medical curricula, creating strategic reserves of validated herbal products, and establishing continental pharmacovigilance networks for real-time safety and efficacy monitoring during outbreaks.

These interventions require commitments, primarily from domestic budgets supplemented by development partners. Success metrics should include validated products available, research capacity built, and mortality reduction during health emergencies. With high community acceptance rates already established, these evidence-backed investments will create resilient, locally-grounded pandemic preparedness systems across Africa.

Conclusion

We have the evidence, the community support, and the historical precedent. What we lack is political will. African governments must commit to measurable targets such as publishing national herbal medicine strategies by 2026, doubling research funding by 2027, and establishing regional centres by 2028. Our people deserve pandemic preparedness rooted in solutions that have already saved lives. Once we partner across borders, validate together, then we can deploy everywhere, and our next pandemic response can be built on African solutions.

News Flash 651: Weekly Snapshot of Public Health Challenges

News Flash Links, as part of the research project PEAH (Policies for Equitable Access to Health), aim to focus on the latest challenges by trade and governments rules to equitable access to health in resource-limited settings

Mediterranean moray (Muraena helena)

News Flash 651

Weekly Snapshot of Public Health Challenges

 

On the Cusp of a New Era of Development Cooperation

Legal tools that lower medicines prices have expanded access to medicines for over two decades, research reveals

What will HIV funding look like in 2026?

Six years after COVID-19’s global alarm: Is the world better prepared for the next pandemic?

Preventive cholera vaccination resumes as global supply reaches critical milestone

Why Nigeria may be missing silent mpox transmission

FGS Mislabeled as an STI: The neglected waterborne Parasite Costing African Women Their Dignity

Innovations fast-tracking the end of sleeping sickness in the DRC

Closing equity gaps in the control of schistosomiasis and trachoma

Guinea worm’s near-eradication shows what’s possible for tropical diseases

Social Innovation in Health Initiative advances community-driven solutions for neglected tropical diseases

MSF calls for sustainable access to treatment for cutaneous leishmaniasis in Pakistan

Medicines for treatment of older people in guidelines and essential medicines lists, WHO African Region

Improved long-term care provision in the context of population ageing

Africa has bold cervical cancer plans. Now we must deliver them

Almost 40% of Cancers Could be Prevented by Curbing Tobacco, Infections and Alcohol

Cigarettes, Lies, and Videotape: Study Links Consumer Perceptions with Tobacco Industry Deceptions

Protocol deviations in medicine quality tests

IDD Newsletter: Volume 56, Issue 1, January 2026

Vision Impairment is a $1 Trillion Productivity Problem: What Can Governments Do About It?

Turning Point? Top donor Norway launches total aid policy review

$9.42 Billion for Global Health as US Foreign Aid Bill Passes

UNPO’s new magazine Peoples Represented

UNPO’s new podcast series Hidden Geopolitics

Let’s Change the Way Parents See Their Child with a Disability  by Andrea Cilliers

HRR803. THE WORLD IS PAYING A CATASTROPHIC PRICE FOR TREATING HUMAN RIGHTS AS OPTIONAL. (Ramesh Jaura)

Explainer: Why Nature Is Everyone’s Business

Protecting Africa’s Ocean Future and Why a Precautionary Pause on Deep-sea Mining Matters

The world is far off meeting its growing water needs. Can the UN still lead the response?

Questions are being raised about microplastics studies – here’s what’s solid science and what isn’t

 

 

 

 

Let’s Change the Way Parents See Their Child with a Disability

IN A NUTSHELL
Editor's Note
 Innovative reflections here on how parents should see their child with a disability, as part of the Author’s engagement in behavioral economics to design policies that advance disability inclusion as a core economic and workforce issue.

 As per her belief, ‘...smarter policy starts with human behavior, stronger institutions are built through inclusion, and the most effective global strategies are the ones that work for people first...’

By Andrea Cilliers 

Civil and Human Rights Advocate through the Lens of Behavioral Economics

Washington, D.C., USA

Lets Change the Way Parents See Their Child with a Disability

 

Growing up, I often heard my mom say, “You can fix the medical issue, but you often create an emotionally stunted child.” She said this while spending years at the Children’s Hospital beside my sister as she battled leukemia. My mother had to push through her own fear to let my sister live fully, even in the heaviness of illness. She encouraged other parents to do the same: to give their children as normal a life as possible, despite their circumstance.

Years later, while working with the U.S. Special Advisor on International Disability Rights, she shared an idea that has stayed with me: Parents are the biggest enablers—and disablers—of their children with disabilities. It’s not a moral judgment, it’s a systems observation. Parents must navigate medical equipment, protocols, therapies, and services, all while making their child feel seen, valued, and capable. Families who succeed show us that children with disabilities are not “special cases” to overcome they are human beings to understand and support, just like anyone else.

Many families do the opposite by perpetuating language like “special needs” and “differently abled” in attempt to make a child feel loved. Despite the positive intent, this language signals difference, othering, and a paternalism. By labeling a child’s needs as “special,” we imply that others are doing them a favor by accommodating them. Over time, this framing can reinforce social separation and internalized feelings of being abnormal. Term “differently abled” can call out the way that child with a disability navigates the world when in fact every one is differently abled. Other language we heard included “normal” and “abnormal” children to be able to differentiate between children with and without disabilities. Words shape perception and perception shapes reality.

The challenge is global. In meetings with government officials from former Soviet countries, we discussed efforts to close large institutions in favor of community-based living. Despite the international community calling on governments to deinstitutionalize and the internal desire of these governments to close these institutions, a larger problem of how to change the mindset of parents with children with disabilities looms. Policies alone cannot succeed if parental attitudes remain trapped in fear. Parents naturally want to protect their children, but fear and the social stigma that often accompanies disability can unintentionally limit opportunity. Around the world, harmful practices persist: children are shackled, excluded, or hidden because families lack guidance or support. Change begins not with law alone, but with how parents perceive the worth and potential of their child.

Behavioral economics offers surprisingly practical ways to shift behavior without shaming anyone. For starters, fear can be reframed. Parents are exquisitely loss-averse, so instead of highlighting what could go wrong, we can focus on what might be lost: “Avoiding age-appropriate experiences now can quietly limit independence later.” Growth can be made the default: automatic inclusion in activities, short trial periods, and a presumption of competence allow for parents to take a first step.

Clarity reduces fear. Rather than vague encouragement, concrete pathways help parents understand exactly what will happen, with safety nets in place: “Here’s what happens on day one, week three, and if it doesn’t work.” Peer stories matter more than expert advice—parents trust other parents who share their experience. Hearing that “we didn’t think our child was ready either” and “here is how we navigated the barriers” can normalize risk and make inclusion feel possible.

It’s important to acknowledge that a parents’ natural instinct is to protect their child. Rather than telling a parent that they shouldn’t be so protective, we can redirect. Instead of “letting go,” parents can “add supports so their child can try.” Instead of “pushing,” they can “practice independence safely.” Small, time-bound experiments can build confidence, reshape beliefs, and create momentum. And professionals must model the right behavior; over-cautious language or deficit-focused reports inadvertently reinforce parental fear.

Parents aren’t holding their children back intentionally, they’re responding rationally to systems that over-penalize risk and under-support growth. Behavior change rarely happens all at once. It unfolds gradually through repeated experiences, small successes, and supportive structures. Over time, habits shift, expectations rise, and even identity transforms.

At its core, this isn’t just about parenting or policy—it’s about designing environments that unlock human potential. When growth is easier and safer than caution, children with disabilities can thrive. Parents, freed from fear, can act with both love and possibility. And the world begins to see, not just what could go wrong, but everything that could go right.