Rethinking Global Health Metrics Beyond the Frontier: A Response to the GBD 2023 Mortality Report

IN A NUTSHELL
Editor's Note 
This article puts under a critical lens some findings from the Global Burden of Disease 2023 report, whereby the uncertain attribution of COVID-19 deaths, YLLs and the problem of the “frontier” reference, and the arbitrary 70-year threshold are pointed out

By Juan Garay

Founder and Co-chair of SHEM. Professor of Global health. Lead of the Valyter ecovillage.  Valyter.es  

Rethinking Global Health Metrics Beyond the Frontier

A Response to the GBD 2023 Mortality Report

 

The Global Burden of Disease 2023 report represents an extraordinary global effort to compile, harmonize, and analyse mortality data across countries and decades. Its contribution to understanding health progress is invaluable. Yet, the report’s findings—especially those concerning deaths attributed to COVID-19, the use of Years of Life Lost (YLL) relative to the lowest observed mortality rates, and the reliance on the 70-year threshold for “preventable deaths”—require careful reconsideration.

Uncertain attribution of COVID-19 deaths

The report notes that COVID-19 ranked as the world’s leading cause of death in 2021 before falling to 20th place by 2023. However, these rankings are constrained by major uncertainties in data quality and attribution. During the pandemic, testing capacity, diagnostic coding, and death certification varied widely across countries. Official counts therefore reflect not only viral lethality but also the reach and reliability of national surveillance systems.

Equally important, many deaths during 2020–2022 arose indirectly from health-system disruption, economic hardship, and delayed care for chronic conditions. WHO estimated approximately 14.8 million excess deaths in 2020–2021, nearly three times the number of officially reported COVID deaths, underscoring the magnitude of indirect losses. Analyses based solely on cause-coded deaths should therefore be complemented by age-standardised excess mortality and indicators of service disruption to capture the full human cost of the pandemic, including the effects of political and economic responses.

YLLs and the problem of the “frontier” reference

The GBD’s YLL metric measures losses against a “frontier” life table derived from the lowest age-specific mortality rates observed globally. This facilitates comparability but assumes that the best-performing populations define a universal goal. In reality, those frontier rates are sustained in contexts that depend on ecological and economic conditions not feasible or sustainable worldwide.

According to the WHO Constitution, global health policy should aim for “the attainment by all peoples of the highest attainable standard of health.” This implies striving toward best feasible and sustainable levels of health for all, not replicating conditions achievable only through intensive consumption or unequal distribution of resources. Measuring losses relative to realistic and sustainable reference standards transforms YLLs from abstract deficits into ethically grounded indicators of inequity.

The arbitrary 70-year threshold

The probability of dying before age 70 (70q0) remains a core GBD indicator of “premature” mortality. While operationally convenient, this threshold is arbitrary and increasingly obsolete. The best feasible and sustainable life expectancy today is estimated around 77.5 years, not 70. Limiting the definition of preventable deaths to those occurring before 70 therefore underestimates the true scope of avoidable mortality and conceals inequalities emerging in later adulthood.

A more consistent approach is to define preventable deaths as those exceeding feasible and sustainable age-specific mortality rates. This aligns with WHO’s constitutional goal and allows for continuous measurement of progress across the life course.

Measuring equity: the Relative Burden of Health Inequity

A complementary indicator—the Relative Burden of Health Inequity (RBHiE)—expresses the proportion of all deaths exceeding feasible and sustainable mortality references. This measure provides a clear and comparable assessment of how far populations remain from the attainable benchmark of health equity. Unlike 70q0 or frontier-based YLLs, RBHiE directly reflects progress toward the WHO objective of the best feasible level of health for all.

Toward a fairer global health measurement paradigm

The GBD’s technical sophistication and transparency are commendable, but its next phase should integrate excess-mortality data, feasible and sustainable reference standards, and equity-based indicators such as RBHiE. Only then can the global health community move from describing disease burdens to assessing humanity’s collective distance from a just and sustainable standard of health.

 

References

WHO Constitution (1946). Preamble: the attainment by all peoples of the highest attainable standard of health

WHO (2022). Global excess deaths associated with COVID-19 (2020–2021)

GBD 2023 Mortality and Causes of Death Collaborators. Lancet (2025)

Sustainable Health Equity Movement (SHEM). Atlas of Global Health Inequity: Toward Feasible and Sustainable Reference Standards (2024)

 

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Beyond Green Complacency: WISE, SHEM and the Case for Radical Sharing

IN A NUTSHELL
Author's Note 
Social economy initiatives and Green parties have gained prominence as responses to ecological and health crises. Yet too often these movements remain complacent with the prevailing global system of competition, industrial scale, and high consumption. Such alignment risks reinforcing, rather than dismantling, the drivers of inequity and ecological collapse.

We argue for a paradigm shift towards sufficiency, simple living, and shared commons. Frameworks such as the WISE paradigm (Wellbeing, Inclusion, Sustainability, Equity) and the SHEM webinars (Sustainable Health Equity Metrics) demonstrate that global material consumption could fall to one quarter of present levels without loss of wellbeing, and that ecological footprints could shrink to one third.

Planetary health requires more than incremental “green” reforms: it demands systemic change toward food sovereignty, agroecology, degrowth, open knowledge, and redistribution. By centring justice, equity, and sufficiency, societies can safeguard both human wellbeing and Earth’s systems.

By Juan Garay

Founder and Co-chair of SHEM. Professor of Global health. Lead of the Valyter ecovillage.  Valyter.es  

Beyond Green Complacency: WISE, SHEM and the Case for Radical Sharing

 

Introduction

The vision of planetary health is inseparable from the transformation of economic and social systems. While Green parties, impact enterprises, and “sustainable development” initiatives are widely promoted, they often fail to question the deeper Factory of injustice and depletion: global competition, industrial scale, and excessive consumption. Incremental greening—improving efficiency, substituting fuels, or promoting ethical business—risks leaving these foundations untouched.

The Complacency of Green Reformism

The majority of ecological initiatives remain framed by growth-oriented logic. They prioritize decarbonisation, recycling, and circular economy strategies while accepting large-scale production, long-distance trade, and corporate concentration as structural givens. Such approaches do not address the root causes of inequity and environmental overshoot (Rockström et al., 2009).

Sufficiency and Network Sharing

Research indicates that wellbeing does not require high consumption. Evidence suggests that reducing global material throughput to one quarter of current levels could enhance quality of life while reducing ecological footprints to one third (Jackson, 2017; Raworth, 2017). Open-source software, food cooperatives, and commons-based networks illustrate how access, creativity, and resilience can expand without intensifying material demand.

WISE and SHEM: Alternative Paradigms

The WISE paradigm (Wellbeing, Inclusion, Sustainability, Equity) reframes development around sufficiency, fairness, and ecological balance, offering metrics that move beyond GDP (Garay, 2020). In parallel, the SHEM webinars convened by international institutions have advanced reflection on Sustainable Health Equity Metrics, integrating life expectancy, fairness, and planetary boundaries. Both frameworks demonstrate that justice, health, and ecological sustainability are inseparable.

Implications for Planetary Health

Achieving planetary health requires:

  1. Policy change — adopting WISE and SHEM-inspired metrics that prioritise equity, redistribution, and sufficiency.
  2. Movement reorientation — social economy and ecological actors must move beyond corporate partnerships and reformist green growth, toward degrowth, agroecology, and food sovereignty.
  3. Research — scholars should explore sufficiency pathways, low-consumption societies, and the health impacts of commons-based and redistributive practices.

Conclusion

Green complacency is insufficient. To reconcile human wellbeing with planetary boundaries, societies must embrace sufficiency, simple living, and shared networks. Paradigms such as WISE and SHEM demonstrate that profound lifestyle change—rather than diluted reforms—offers a pathway to justice, health, and ecological stability.

 

References

Garay, J. (2020). The WISE paradigm: Wellbeing, Inclusion, Sustainability, Equity. PEAH – Policies for Equitable Access to Health. Retrieved from https://www.peah.it

SHEM Webinars (2021–2024). Sustainable Health Equity Metrics: Global seminar series. Supported by Fiocruz, Escuela Nacional de Sanidad, ELAM, UNACH, SHEM Network.

Jackson, T. (2017). Prosperity without Growth: Foundations for the economy of tomorrow (2nd ed.). Routledge.

Raworth, K. (2017). Doughnut Economics: Seven Ways to Think Like a 21st-Century Economist. Random House.

Rockström, J., Steffen, W., Noone, K., et al. (2009). A safe operating space for humanity. Nature, 461, 472–475.

 

Contributors: Juan Garay, on behalf of SHEM, conceptualised and wrote the manuscript.

Declaration of interests:  The author declares no competing interests.

 

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Pitch for a UN General Assembly Special Session on Climate Change

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Author's note
This post argues that only a United Nations (UN) General Assembly Special Session on climate change offers the best hope of clearing the international logjam of States’ climate inaction and avoiding the worst impacts of climate change

 By David Patterson LLM, MSc, HonMFPH, PhD Candidate

Department of Transboundary Legal Studies

Faculty of Law, University of Groningen, Netherlands

Member, Steering Committee, Human rights and the climate crisis working group

Member, Steering Committee, EUPHA law and public health section 

 

 Pitch for a UN General Assembly Special Session on Climate Change

 

At the 2024 climate change summit in Baku, Azerbaijan, WHO launched a report titled ‘Health is the argument for climate action.’ ‘Fossil fuels are making us sick,’ the report stated, ‘and their time is up.’ WHO continued:

Urgent climate action is a matter of life or death. Despite this, we continue to increase [greenhouse gas – GHG] emissions and overlook the human impact of inaction even as we pass critical tipping points.  The climate crisis is a health crisis, and climate [change] drives disease burdens of all types – communicable and vector borne diseases, noncommunicable disease, maternal and child health, mental health, and trauma.

We could not agree more. The impact of climate change on human health has been documented for decades by the IPCC, WHO and health and medical journals, including by the medical journal The Lancet in its Lancet Countdown series.

In 1992 the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) was opened for signature at the UN Conference on Environment and Development, in Rio de Janeiro. Two more treaties followed: the Kyoto Protocol (1999) and the Paris Agreement (2015). These three ‘climate treaties’ together aim to ensure we avoid the worst impacts of climate change, particularly on developing countries and vulnerable communities, everywhere. Yet in 2025, ten years after the Paris Agreement, we are surging past our commitment to keep average global warming below 1.5 °C above pre-industrial levels, and are well on track for 2.7°C or higher. Most countries are already experiencing some form of climate chaos. Yet States are backing away from their Paris Agreement obligations: even the tepid commitment at the 28th UNFCCC Conference of the Parties (CoP28) to ‘transition away from fossil fuels’ was not echoed in the CoP29 communique, with discussions postponed.

Why have States not responded with urgent action commensurate with the threat of climate change?  Decades-long disinformation and obfuscation by the fossil fuel industry is certainly a factor, aided by compliant global media corporations, where climate change is either diminished or is portrayed as natural, distant, and perhaps inevitable, perhaps even positive for some. Notably, however, the intended voting procedure in the draft UNFCCC Rules of Procedure (rule 42), which provides for two-thirds majority voting, has never been agreed. Voting remains by (undefined) ‘consensus.’ Motions can be blocked by a single country, depending on the interpretation of consensus by the chairperson at the time.

This limitation has long stalled substantive progress on phasing out fossil fuels and progress towards a just transition. Further, the entire UN human rights machinery (which today includes the human rights treaties, their monitoring bodies, Special Rapporteur, secretariat OHCHR, Universal Periodic Review, and UN Human Rights Council) was sidestepped in the drafting of the climate treaties. The only reference to human rights in the climate treaties is in the Preamble to the Paris Agreement.

Fossil fuel exporting States have seized upon this failure to anchor global climate action more deeply in international human rights and environmental law. At the International Court of Justice (ICJ) hearings on climate change in 2024, these States argued that they had no obligations under international law beyond what was expressly stated in the climate treaties. Thankfully, the ICJ flatly disagreed. We now have strong, far-reaching legal advice from the ICJ on States’ obligations to respond to climate change that includes obligations under the climate treaties, UN human rights and environmental treaties, and customary international law. But the ICJ advice is just that – advice – and in itself it won’t break up the logjam of State inaction under the climate treaties, which is grounded in part in the CoPs’ fatal requirement for consensus.

There is a way forward. The General Assembly is the UN’s main deliberative, policy-making and representative body. Voting is by simple majority (not consensus) on most matters. The General Assembly may convene in a so-called Special Session (UNGASS) to address urgent, wide-ranging concerns, as seen in previous UNGASS on corruption, COVID-19, the world drug problem, and the welfare of children. Civil society participation is an important component of these events. In a symposium in Opinio Juris, Benjamin Mason Meier and I recall how in 2001 the UNGASS on HIV/AIDS marked a turning point in the global response to the HIV pandemic. The resulting Declaration of Commitment on HIV/AIDS anchored the response to HIV with time-bound commitments to concreted action; called for a global health fund (which led to the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria), and requested the UN Secretary-General to initiate a periodic monitoring process to track States’ progress on implementing their commitments. UNGASS resolutions are not binding, however with UNAIDS’ support States’ periodic reporting has continued to this day.

An UNGASS on climate change has the potential to break the logjam by reaffirming States’ legal obligations under both the climate treaties and human rights and environmental law, as identified by the ICJ. The resulting UNGASS resolution, perhaps titled ‘Declaration of Commitment to Climate Action and Just Transition’, should welcome the ICJ advisory opinion and include commitments both to accelerate action under the climate treaties and to implement the additional legal obligations identified by the ICJ. The resolution could include commitments to monitoring and reporting on human rights-based processes in developing and implementing Nationally Determined Commitments and National Action Plans, including through the meaningful participation of affected communities, workers, Indigenous Peoples, women, youth and marginalized groups. Most importantly, the resolution should call for the UN Secretary-General to report periodically to the General Assembly on progress achieved in realising States’ commitments in the Declaration.

Some States and their fossil fuel industry backers will probably argue that an UNGASS on climate change is unnecessary. A few States, including major GHG emitters and fossil fuel exporters, may shun the General Assembly whatever the outcome. Yet an UNGASS Declaration of Commitment to Climate Action and Just Transition may well nudge the UNFCCC Conference of Parties to finalise the Paris Rule Book and begin to reclaim climate justice. If we and future generations are to avoid the worst impacts of climate change, the status quo cannot continue.

 

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