News Flash 683: Weekly Snapshot of Public Health Challenges

News Flash Links, as part of the research project PEAH (Policies for Equitable Access to Health), aim to focus on the latest challenges by trade and governments rules to equitable access to health in resource-limited settings

Salema (Sarpa salpa)

News Flash 683

Weekly Snapshot of Public Health Challenges

 

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Webinar registration: Implementing Community-Enabled Integrated Care: Experiences from Singapore and Australia Oct 27, 2026

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Capacity for national health policy modelling, Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates

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Tigray faces a double catastrophe: War and worsening hunger

Reflections from the Micronutrient Forum’s 7th Global conference in Accra

Who Really Emits the Most? The Hidden Inequality of Carbon Emissions

Derna’s Flood Was a Climate and Health Warning for Libya  by Meftah Lahwel

Conflict, drought increasing risk of famine in Sudan: Monitor

Climate change is an HIV story. Here’s how to report it

Yemen Is a Climate Justice Test the International Community Is Failing

 

 

 

Derna’s Flood Was a Climate and Health Warning for Libya

IN A NUTSHELL
Author's note
The article reflects on the health consequences of Storm Daniel and the lessons Derna’s recovery holds for climate-informed planning, health services and people affected by displacement.

Derna’s recovery will not be measured only by the speed of construction. It will be measured by whether residents and displaced people are safer, healthier and still able to get care when the next extreme event comes

By Meftah Lahwel 
MD, Master in Sustainability in Health 

 Derna’s Flood Was a Climate and Health Warning for Libya

What a City Rebuilding After Storm Daniel Can Teach Us About Climate Risk, Displacement and Care

 By the same Author on PEAH: HERE

Meftah Lahwel is a medical doctor and public health professional with more than a decade of humanitarian experience, including work with UNHCR, MSF and International Medical Corps. He holds a Master in Sustainability in Health at the University of Turin. His interests include refugee and migrant health, health systems and climate-related health risks

 

In my humanitarian health work, I have learned to ask a practical question: when someone needs care, can they actually reach it? The answer depends on more than whether a clinic is open. It depends on safe roads, clean water, functioning referrals and whether treatment continues when a family has to move. Derna brought all these questions together.

Storm Daniel struck northeastern Libya on 10–11 September 2023. In Derna, the failure of two dams sent floodwater through the city, destroying homes and essential infrastructure. The disaster unfolded in a country with divided institutions and two competing administrations: the Government of National Unity (GNU), based in Tripoli, and another government based in Benghazi. In October 2023, the UN Support Mission in Libya warned that competing recovery initiatives risked undermining reconstruction and called for a unified approach.

Derna’s flood history matters. Wadi Derna is usually dry, but it can carry powerful floodwaters. Historical accounts describe damaging floods in 1941, 1956, 1959 and 1968. Two dams were built upstream between 1973 and 1977. Later floods in 1986 and 2011 showed that the wadi remained a threat. Those events did not make the 2023 catastrophe inevitable. They did make the hazard known.

The climate signal also needs to be stated carefully. In its study, “Interplay of climate change-exacerbated rainfall, exposure and vulnerability led to widespread impacts in the Mediterranean region” the World Weather Attribution group estimated that human-caused climate change had made rainfall as extreme as that observed in Libya up to 50 times more likely and up to 50% more intense than in a climate 1.2°C cooler. The researchers stressed that these estimates carry significant uncertainty. Their analysis also examined how exposure and vulnerability shaped the impact: climate change intensified the rainfall hazard, while dam conditions, preparedness and the ability to communicate and act on warnings influenced the scale of the catastrophe.

The water crisis after the flood was immediate. UNICEF reported that half of Derna’s 18 boreholes were shut down and that damage to the sewage system raised concerns about groundwater contamination. UNICEF and other responders supported water delivery and repairs to water points. The ICRC, together with the Libyan Red Crescent, provided emergency drinking water and water and sanitation equipment. These actions helped meet urgent needs, but they also showed how closely health depends on services outside the clinic.

When water systems fail, the consequences reach households, shelters and health facilities. Safe water, sanitation and proper shelter help prevent illness and protect dignity. When roads are damaged, a referral may fail. When a family is displaced, a course of treatment may be interrupted. These are not separate problems to be solved by separate sectors; they are connected parts of people’s health.

The flood also struck a health system already under strain. WHO assessed 240 health facilities in affected areas in October 2023: 73% were partly functional, 14% non-functional and 13% fully functional. WHO supported the restoration of facilities and the establishment of field hospitals. For patients, these figures meant disrupted access to routine care, medicines, referrals and follow-up at the very time when needs were increasing.

Residents of Derna and other affected locations were displaced, and not everyone faced the same barriers to finding shelter or care. IOM’s November 2023 assessment estimated that 1,715 migrants were also displaced by the floods, most in northeastern Libya. That figure counts people displaced by the flood; it does not mean they had migrated because of climate change.

For public health, this distinction matters. People move for different reasons and have different access to money, documents, language, family networks and services. Displacement can interrupt care for chronic illness, pregnancy, children and mental health. A climate and migration perspective asks who can reach services, who is left out, and how care follows people when they move. Derna’s recovery must include all affected people: local residents, displaced Libyans, refugees, asylum-seekers and migrants, as well as communities hosting them.

The psychological impact was just as real as the physical damage. People faced bereavement, loss of homes and livelihoods, displacement and uncertainty. Health workers and rescuers were exposed to distress as they cared for others and responded to loss.

There was a coordinated MHPSS (Mental Health and Psychosocial Support) response. The government Benghazi established a mental health and psychosocial support committee under the Ministry of Health. WHO worked with local health authorities to provide services from psychological first aid to specialist psychiatric care. By 7 November 2023, the committee had deployed 45 MHPSS professionals to seven flood-affected locations. ACAPS (Assessment Capacities Project) later reported ten health facilities offering MHPSS services in Derna, Al-Bayda and Al-Marj, supported by WHO and partner organisations.

This response showed the value of local professionals working with health authorities and international organisations. It also exposed a longer-term challenge: emergency teams cannot provide continuity if local services are not funded, staffed and supported after the emergency phase. ACAPS called for sustained capacity-building, training and supervision. MHPSS belongs within the health system, not only in the first weeks after a disaster.

The recovery needs were substantial. A joint World Bank, EU and UN assessment estimated US$1.8 billion for reconstruction and recovery and recorded nearly 44,800 people initially displaced. By 2026, rebuilding in Derna is highly visible. New homes, roads and bridges matter to people rebuilding their lives. But reconstruction is not proof that risk has been reduced. A 2026 study “Integrating socio-economic impact assessment into the reconstruction plan for Derna, Libya” raised concerns that parts of the reconstruction reproduced vulnerable spatial patterns without comprehensive flood management or alternative planning frameworks. The question is therefore not only what has been rebuilt, but whether people are safer in the places where they live.

New buildings alone cannot prevent another disaster. Derna needs land-use and reconstruction planning based on flood and climate risk, regular inspection and maintenance of dams, early warnings that people understand and can act on, and evacuation plans designed with communities. Health facilities, water and sanitation systems, roads and shelters need to be treated as one protection network. Clinics need backup water and power, medicines, referral routes and ways to continue care when people are displaced.

My work supporting health services in Libya has taught me that resilience is felt in ordinary moments: when a patient can reach a facility, find safe water, receive a referral and return for follow-up. It is also felt by people on the move, who can lose access to care each time a service or border interrupts their journey. Derna’s recovery will not be measured only by the speed of construction. It will be measured by whether residents and displaced people are safer, healthier and still able to get care when the next extreme event comes.

 

 

 

News Flash 682: Weekly Snapshot of Public Health Challenges

News Flash Links, as part of the research project PEAH (Policies for Equitable Access to Health), aim to focus on the latest challenges by trade and governments rules to equitable access to health in resource-limited settings

Yellowmouth barracuda (Sphyraena viridensis)

News Flash 682

Weekly Snapshot of Public Health Challenges

 

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Developing a National Framework to Measure Health System Resilience to Communicable Disease Outbreaks: Early Lessons from Iran

IN A NUTSHELL
Author's note
A commentary here on developing a national framework to assess health system resilience to communicable disease outbreaks in Iran.

This article reflects on our experience, while working together with a multidisciplinary team at Iran’s Ministry of Health, of translating the concept of health system resilience into measurable indicators, and considering how resilience can be assessed across different levels of the health system

By Dr. Narges Roohi

PhD. Health in Disasters & Emergencies

Teheran, Iran

Developing a National Framework to Measure Health System Resilience to Communicable Disease Outbreaks

Early Lessons from Iran

 

Introduction

Health system resilience was discussed in the scientific literature before COVID-19 and gained prominence following the Ebola epidemic. COVID-19 further strengthened its place in health policy, management and research. The pandemic demonstrated that effective preparedness and response require coordination across the health system, continuity of essential services and adaptation to changing conditions, alongside disease control and clinical care. Experiences across countries during COVID-19 highlighted the importance of governance, financing, the health workforce, health information systems, service delivery, access to medical products and technologies, and public health functions in absorbing the effects of a shock, adapting and responding effectively.

In Iran, studies conducted during COVID-19 examined challenges in the health-system response, including managerial and organizational issues, and the resilience of healthcare facilities. The involvement of health policy-makers, managers and staff in some of these studies helped clarify implementation challenges. Findings emphasized coordination, resource management, workforce preparedness, health information systems and management capacity, underscoring the need for a health-system-wide approach to pandemic response.

A central question was how to translate the broad concept of health system resilience into components and indicators that could be measured and monitored. This challenge was not unique to Iran. In its 2020 report, Strengthening Health Systems Resilience: Key Concepts and Strategies, the European Observatory on Health Systems and Policies emphasized that resilience assessment should reflect the type of shock and the health-system context, and draw on a range of quantitative and qualitative measures.

In its 2021 position paper on health systems resilience, WHO emphasized linking health-system strengthening, health security, universal health coverage, primary health care and essential public health functions. COVID-19 had shown that addressing these areas separately could limit the capacity to respond to major crises.

In 2024, WHO’s Building Health System Resilience to Public Health Challenges: Guidance for Implementation in Countries provided a clearer pathway for putting this approach into practice. The guidance emphasizes adapting actions to country contexts and the roles of national and subnational actors, helping countries translate resilience into practical health-system interventions.

From global guidance to framework development in Iran

In Iran, this work began with the challenge of translating resilience into capacities that could be identified, assessed and strengthened in practice. In 2025, the Center for Communicable Disease Control at the Ministry of Health and Medical Education initiated the development of a framework adapted to the country’s health-system structure to assess capacities for preventing and responding to communicable disease outbreaks. The aim was to identify priorities for improvement and informed decision-making, with particular attention to the relationship between national policies and their implementation at subnational and service-delivery levels.

Framework development combined a review of international documents, including WHO’s health system resilience indicator package, with expert-led adaptation to the country’s structure and priorities. Preliminary meetings and the establishment of a steering committee enabled participation by specialists and operational managers in communicable diseases, primary health care, health-system management, disaster and emergency health, and biostatistics. Group discussions, documented comments and additional feedback supported iterative indicator refinement and expert consensus.

The framework covered six domains: governance, the health workforce, service delivery, health information systems, access to essential medicines and technologies, and health financing. The assessment level and evidence requirements were considered for each indicator. Pilot implementation in the Fardis County Health Network, involving local experts and Alborz University of Medical Sciences, enabled the framework’s application to be examined in practice. Policy and programme documents, administrative records and service-delivery records provided the evidence, which was reviewed collaboratively.

This commentary examines framework development and lessons from pilot implementation. As the project remains ongoing, detailed results, scores and quantitative comparisons are not reported here. The initial assessment was operational and exploratory and was conducted in one local setting. It therefore does not establish national health system resilience or the validity and reliability of the assessment tool.

Early lessons for assessment design and interpretation

First, each indicator requires a clearly defined assessment level and implementation responsibility. Some capacities concern national policy-making, others depend on coordination at provincial and district levels, and others are assessed at service-delivery units. Reviewing national documents within a local pilot does not, by itself, support conclusions about national performance. Comparisons across levels must also account for differences in the sets of applicable indicators.

Second, structural non-applicability must be distinguished from missing data and an unmet capacity. A blank assessment cell does not necessarily indicate poor performance: the indicator may not apply at that level under the framework’s design. Defining this distinction is essential for selecting appropriate denominators and interpreting results correctly, and should be addressed during framework development.

Third, the existence of an approved policy or plan does not, by itself, demonstrate effective implementation. Joint review of documentation can clarify the relationship between formal commitments, organizational responsibilities and local implementation. However, documentation alone cannot establish that essential services will be maintained during an actual shock. Subsequent assessments should complement evidence on capacities with evidence on health-system performance during crises, service continuity and learning after events.

Fourth, relying solely on an overall score may obscure important implementation gaps. An assessment has greater policy value when each priority for improvement is linked to a specific corrective action, a responsible actor, required resources and a follow-up timetable. Assessment findings should therefore inform implementation priorities and the monitoring of corrective actions.

Project continuity amid armed conflict

The project was implemented amid escalating regional armed conflict. Direct conflict between Iran and Israel in April 2024 formed part of the security context preceding the project. The 12-day war began on 13 June 2025, with direct US military involvement on 22 June, followed by joint US and Israeli attacks on Iran on 28 February 2026. According to the implementation team’s experience, hostilities during the project period substantially delayed its progress. This commentary does not quantify the delays or assess the pathways through which the conflict affected implementation.

This experience demonstrates the need to plan for continuity of resilience assessment and strengthening activities during crises. Flexible timelines, systematic documentation of decisions, preservation of records and arrangements for phased implementation could inform future planning. The project delay is reported as an implementation experience; it does not, by itself, provide a basis for assessing the resilience of the entire health system.

Policy implications and next steps

Before wider implementation, the framework requires evaluation of content validity, inter-rater reliability, test–retest reliability, completion time, implementation burden and acceptability across different settings. Completing an assessment in one local setting demonstrates that initial application was possible, but does not establish feasibility at scale or the generalizability of findings. Scoring thresholds should be presented as operational programme benchmarks and, until validated, should not be used to classify a health system definitively as resilient or non-resilient.

Further framework development should incorporate health equity through explicit assessment questions: are essential services maintained for vulnerable groups during crises? Are geographic and financial barriers to access reduced? Does resource allocation reflect the differing needs of population groups? These questions are proposed priorities for future framework development, rather than reported project findings. WHO’s position paper on resilience, universal health coverage and health security provides the conceptual basis for this direction.

Iran’s early experience suggests that developing a national resilience measurement framework requires clearly assigned implementation responsibilities, transparent rules for interpreting evidence and a defined pathway from assessment findings to decision-making, alongside indicator selection. As the project continues, the framework’s practical value should be evaluated in terms of its contribution to corrective action, continuity of essential services and reduced health inequities during crises.

News Flash 681: Weekly Snapshot of Public Health Challenges

News Flash Links, as part of the research project PEAH (Policies for Equitable Access to Health), aim to focus on the latest challenges by trade and governments rules to equitable access to health in resource-limited settings

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News Flash 681

Weekly Snapshot of Public Health Challenges

 

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When People Move, Healthcare Stops: What Libya Reveals About Care Built Around Places Rather Than Patients

IN A NUTSHELL
Author's note
This article looks at continuity of care for refugees and migrants in Libya, particularly across detention centres, disembarkation points, humanitarian services and the public health system. The central argument is that access to healthcare is only part of the story; what often breaks down is the connection between one episode of care and the next

By Meftah Lahwel
MD, Master in Sustainability in Health

 When People Move, Healthcare Stops

What Libya Reveals About Care Built Around Places Rather Than Patients

 

By the same Author on PEAH: HERE and HERE

 

A patient leaves a detention centre in Libya with a prescription and a referral, but no clear idea where the next consultation will happen. A doctor has seen him. Treatment may have started. Yet the next provider may not know what happened before, the medicine may not be available, and the patient may not know which facility will receive him or who is now responsible for the follow-up.

The illness continues. The care may not.

That simple gap between one consultation and the next is one of the less visible problems in healthcare for refugees and migrants in Libya. We are accustomed to asking whether a service was available: Was a doctor present? Was the patient examined? Was medicine provided? Was a referral made? These questions matter, but they describe encounters. They do not necessarily tell us whether care continued.

Migrants, refugees and asylum seekers are not one population. Their reasons for moving, legal situations, vulnerabilities and entitlements differ, and internally displaced Libyans face another set of circumstances. These distinctions should not be blurred. But from the perspective of continuity of care, movement creates a common practical problem: a patient can cross from one place, provider or institution to another while the health condition remains exactly the same.

In Libya, that movement often takes place across a health landscape made up of public facilities, humanitarian services, specialised national programmes and informal networks. None of these components is irrelevant. The problem is that they do not always connect around the patient.

At detention centres and disembarkation points, much of the documented direct healthcare for migrants and refugees has been delivered by international organisations and their partners. IOM’s current Libya response, for example, includes primary healthcare and referrals to secondary and tertiary care at detention centres, disembarkation points and migrant-dense locations. National health structures play a different role: they remain central to the wider public system and to disease surveillance and specialised programmes. Tuberculosis is one of the clearest examples, with diagnosis and treatment embedded in the national TB pathway while international actors support screening, referral and programme capacity.

This division of work has been necessary. It has filled gaps and, in many cases, allowed care to happen where it otherwise might not. But it also exposes the continuity problem. A patient may be seen at a disembarkation point, treated inside a detention centre, referred to a public facility and later need follow-up somewhere else. At each stage, a different actor may be doing exactly what its mandate requires. The patient’s illness, however, does not divide itself according to mandates.

The illness does not recognise the boundary between one mandate and another. The system does.

That is where access and continuity begin to separate. A referral may be correctly issued and still never be completed. A treatment plan may be clinically appropriate and still become impossible to maintain when the patient moves. Medical information may remain with the first provider while the next clinician has to reconstruct the history from memory, a photograph of a prescription or a laboratory paper carried in a bag. Transport, documentation, language, cost and medicine availability can turn a straightforward referral into another point at which care is lost.

For a person who needs one consultation, this fragmentation may be inconvenient. For someone with tuberculosis, diabetes, hypertension, a mental health condition, a complicated pregnancy or another condition requiring follow-up, it can change the course of the illness. Treatment is not only what happens while the patient is in front of the doctor. It is also what happens after the patient leaves.

This matters even more as the direction of policy moves, reasonably, away from permanent parallel humanitarian healthcare and towards greater use of Libya’s national health system. Lately, humanitarian actors advise refugees and asylum seekers to access public primary healthcare centres and hospitals rather than medical assistance through partners or private clinics. That is the right long-term direction. Humanitarian organisations cannot, and should not, become a second national health service.

But integration is not the same as continuity.

The public system people are being asked to use is itself under pressure. WHO has documented shortages of essential medicines and medical supplies and major limitations in facility functionality; in an assessment from December 2024, 84 per cent of assessed facilities were only partially functioning. UNHCR’s own public guidance also reflects practical barriers: identification is generally expected, and secondary and tertiary care usually involves fees. So the patient may leave a humanitarian service and enter a national system that is itself trying to manage shortages, costs and uneven service availability.

The result is an uncomfortable space between two reasonable positions. Humanitarian organisations cannot provide everything forever, and refugees and migrants should, where possible, be included in the national system. Yet neither statement answers the question that matters most at the moment of transition: where does this particular patient go next, and who makes sure the care actually continues?

In practice, that responsibility often shifts quietly onto the patient. People navigating fragmented healthcare become custodians of their own medical histories. They remember medicine names, or sometimes only what a tablet looked like. They keep photographs of prescriptions on their phones, carry laboratory reports with them and repeat the same history to each new clinician. They ask friends, relatives and community members which facility might receive them, where a medicine can be found or whether someone knows someone who can help with a referral.

These informal networks are important. Sometimes they are the reason care continues at all. But we should be careful about calling every act of improvisation resilience. When the patient has to transfer the information, locate the next provider, negotiate the referral and search for the medicine, the patient is doing part of the health system’s work.

That also makes continuity an equity issue. A person with money may buy a missing medicine privately. Someone who speaks Arabic may navigate a facility more easily. Someone with documentation may encounter fewer administrative obstacles. Someone with strong social connections may find a way through a referral pathway that appears closed to somebody else. Another person may simply stop treatment. The same fragmented system therefore produces very different outcomes depending on how much the patient can personally compensate for its gaps.

This is why the discussion has to move beyond access. It also has to move beyond the numbers with which humanitarian and health programmes usually describe success. Consultations, referrals, medicines distributed, facilities supported and people reached are all necessary measures. They tell us what was delivered. But they mostly measure activity, not continuity.

A referral issued is not the same as a referral completed. A prescription written is not the same as treatment maintained. A patient seen today is not necessarily a patient cared for tomorrow.

Libya makes this distinction unusually visible because public services, humanitarian programmes, detention centres, disembarkation points, urban communities and different forms of human mobility all meet within the same health landscape. It is possible for many actors to be present and for the patient still to experience a gap. Several available services do not automatically make one functioning system.

The answer is not to build another separate health architecture for migrants or refugees. Dedicated humanitarian services may remain indispensable in certain settings, particularly at detention centres and disembarkation points. But the long-term task is to make care survive the transition from one provider to another.

That requires less grand language and more practical connection: a medical summary that can move with the patient; a referral the receiving facility understands; communication between the provider sending the patient and the provider expected to receive them; a way of knowing whether an important referral was actually completed; continuity of essential medicines when somebody changes location; and primary healthcare that can reconnect a person with treatment already started elsewhere.

Digital health can help with some of this, but technology cannot solve a problem of responsibility. An electronic record has limited value if the next facility cannot access it, if the medicine is unavailable, if the referral is not recognised or if everyone assumes follow-up belongs to somebody else. Continuity begins when one part of the system accepts responsibility for connecting the patient with the next.

Libya has spent years responding to health needs through public services, humanitarian interventions, emergency arrangements, local initiatives and informal solutions. Much of that work has been necessary, and much of it has saved lives. The next question should not only be whether another service can be added. It should be whether the services already there can begin to behave more like a system.

Patients do not experience healthcare through organisational charts, mandates or funding agreements. They experience it as a sequence: a consultation, a prescription, a referral, a journey to another facility and the hope that somebody there will know what needs to happen next. When that connection fails, the system may still record a successful consultation while the patient experiences an interruption.

The patient should not have to carry the system. The system should carry the care.

Libya cannot remove mobility from its health reality. Humanitarian organisations cannot remain everywhere a patient may eventually go, and a strained public health system cannot simply absorb every additional need because another actor has completed its part. But continuity does not require an impossible promise that one provider will follow every person everywhere. It requires something more basic: that movement should not automatically erase what happened before.

A change in location should not unnecessarily become a break in healthcare. The health condition continues. The patient continues. Healthcare should too.

 

News Flash 680: Weekly Snapshot of Public Health Challenges

News Flash Links, as part of the research project PEAH (Policies for Equitable Access to Health), aim to focus on the latest challenges by trade and governments rules to equitable access to health in resource-limited settings

Needlefish (Belone belone)

News Flash 680

Weekly Snapshot of Public Health Challenges

 

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A Critical Reading of Donald Trump’s 2026 UN Address and a Proposal for the Refoundation of the United Nations: From National Power to Sustainable Equity

IN A NUTSHELL
Author's note
Donald Trump's address to the 81st United Nations General Assembly on 22 September 2026 offers a clear expression of a model of international relations centred on national power, military strength, economic competition, energy production and national advantage.

This article examines that model from the perspective of Sustainable Health Equity. It considers Trump's treatment of war and peace, Iran, Gaza, Venezuela, Cuba, migration, fossil fuels, climate change, international law and the United Nations itself. It also examines several factual claims in the speech that have been challenged by independent fact-checking.

The analysis is placed within a broader body of work developed through the Sustainable Health Equity Movement and published in PEAH, including the concept of Wellbeing in Sustainable Equity (WISE), the estimation of a major global health inequity burden, the projected climate-related mortality of more than 220 million excess deaths during the remainder of the twenty-first century, and the estimated global "dignity gap" of approximately US$7 trillion.

The article argues that these are not separate crises. They are expressions of a global order in which economic, military and political power remains concentrated while the costs of deprivation, ecological damage and conflict are distributed very unequally.

The article therefore proposes a refoundation of the United Nations around sustainable equity: ensuring that every person can achieve a dignified and healthy life while humanity remains within the ecological limits of the Earth

 

By Juan Garay  *

Former Head of European Union Cooperation in Cuba (2017–2023)

Professor of Health Equity (Cuba, Mexico, Brazil, Spain)

Co-Chair of the Sustainable Health Equity Movement (SHEM)

By the same Author on PEAH: see HERE

A Critical Reading of Donald Trump’s 2026 UN Address and a Proposal for the Refoundation of the United Nations

From National Power to Sustainable Equity

 

Introduction

The United Nations was created in 1945 after a world devastated by war. Its Charter sought to establish a system in which sovereign states could cooperate to prevent conflict and promote human rights, development and international peace.

More than eighty years later, the basic architecture of that system remains largely unchanged, while the problems facing humanity have become increasingly global and interconnected.

Climate change, biodiversity loss, pandemics, nuclear weapons, mass displacement, global financial concentration and unequal access to knowledge and essential resources cannot be addressed effectively by states acting only in competition with one another.

Trump’s 2026 address is therefore significant beyond the individual statements it contains. It expresses a particular understanding of how the world should be organised: strong nations protecting their interests through economic, military and technological power.

This raises a larger question:

Can a world facing common existential risks continue to be organised primarily around competition between powerful states?

From the perspective of Sustainable Health Equity, this requires reconsidering what we mean by security, prosperity and development.

Power as the organising principle

Trump repeatedly connects national strength with economic production, military capacity, energy resources and geopolitical influence.

There is nothing new about states defending their interests. The problem arises when national advantage is treated as if it can be pursued independently of the interests of other peoples and of the ecological systems on which all societies depend.

A military can protect territory, but cannot prevent a pandemic.

A larger economy does not necessarily reduce health inequality.

More fossil-fuel production may increase energy supply while increasing climate and pollution risks.

Control of natural resources can strengthen national power while intensifying competition for those resources.

The atmosphere, oceans, biodiversity and many essential resources do not respect national borders.

The security of one population is increasingly connected to the security of all others.

War presented as peace

One of the most striking features of Trump’s speech is the presentation of military action and US power as instruments for achieving peace.

Trump describes several conflicts as having been “settled” and presents American military capacity as a source of deterrence and stability.

But ending active fighting is not necessarily the same as establishing peace.

A ceasefire may stop immediate violence without resolving the causes of conflict, protecting civilian populations, establishing accountability or creating the political and social conditions for lasting peace.

This distinction matters particularly in relation to Gaza and Iran.

Trump presents Iran as a major terrorist threat and warns of extreme military consequences if an agreement is not reached.

A consistent application of international humanitarian law requires the same questions to be asked of every actor: who uses force, against whom, under what legal authority, with what distinction between civilians and combatants, and with what consequences?

International standards lose credibility when the vocabulary of terrorism is applied selectively.

Gaza and the erosion of a moral order

The destruction of Gaza raises a wider question about the credibility of the post-war international order.

The International Court of Justice ordered provisional measures in the South Africa v. Israel case under the Genocide Convention. These measures do not constitute a final judgment on whether genocide has occurred, but they demonstrate the seriousness of the legal allegations and the Court’s concern about the risk of irreparable harm.

The PEAH analysis “Gaza and the End of a Moral Order” argues that Gaza represents more than another regional conflict. It is a test of whether the international system can reconcile its declared principles with its actual behaviour. It describes the growing gap between human-rights language and political action and argues that the crisis exposes the exhaustion of a global order whose legitimacy depends on standards that are not consistently applied.

The question is therefore not whether Hamas’s attacks on civilians should be condemned. They should.

Nor is it whether Israeli civilians have a right to security. They do.

The question is whether the same principles of civilian protection, international law and accountability apply equally to powerful and less powerful actors.

The United States’ longstanding military and political support for Israel therefore forms part of the context that cannot simply be omitted from an assessment of the international order.

The issue is not collective blame. It is universal accountability.

The climate-health burden: an unequal planetary war

The ecological dimension gives this debate an even larger scale.

A 2018 PEAH analysis, “Health and Climate Change: a Third World War with No Guns,” modelled the potential health consequences of continued warming and estimated approximately 216 million excess deaths from temperature increase during the twenty-first century, with the great majority expected in tropical and subtropical populations that have contributed relatively little to cumulative emissions.

Later SHEM work has developed this estimate further, referring to more than 220 million projected excess deaths during the remainder of the twenty-first century, predominantly affecting low-polluting countries, communities and age groups.

These figures are model-based estimates, not observed deaths or certain predictions. Their importance lies in the distribution of the projected burden.

The countries and populations expected to suffer most are not necessarily those responsible for the largest share of historical emissions.

Climate change therefore creates a profound intergenerational and international equity problem.

The PEAH analysis proposed a Universal Ethical Threshold of approximately 1.7 tonnes of CO₂ per person per year in its modelling framework, as an indicative ethical allocation of the remaining carbon space.

Whatever precise threshold is ultimately adopted, the ethical principle is clear: ecological space cannot be treated as an unlimited resource belonging disproportionately to those who reached high consumption first.

Prosperity and the fossil-fuel economy

Trump’s speech repeatedly associates prosperity with energy abundance and increased production.

This reflects a conventional economic model in which prosperity is closely associated with production, consumption, investment and energy use.

But economic activity takes place within a finite ecological system.

The 2025 UNEP Emissions Gap Report estimates that current policies remain consistent with warming of approximately 2.8°C this century, while full implementation of current national climate pledges would still imply approximately 2.3–2.5°C.

The WHO has repeatedly warned that climate change is already affecting health through heat, food insecurity, infectious disease, water insecurity and other pathways.

The central question therefore cannot simply be:

How much can the global economy produce?

It must also be:

How much can humanity produce while maintaining the ecological conditions required for life?

And:

Who receives the benefits and who bears the costs?

Venezuela and resources as the spoils of power

The Venezuela section of Trump’s speech is particularly revealing because natural resources are closely associated with geopolitical victory.

Trump refers to Venezuela’s oil resources and uses the expression “to the victor belong the spoils”.

This language is difficult to reconcile with the idea that natural resources ultimately belong to peoples and future generations rather than to whoever possesses the greatest military or economic power.

There is also a factual problem with his claim that the United States and Venezuela together possess more than 60% of the world’s oil. Independent fact-checking found that their combined share of proven reserves is approximately 22%, not 60%.

The larger issue is whether access to natural resources should be understood as a prize of geopolitical power.

If so, the international system itself creates incentives for competition and conflict over resources.

Cuba: coercion, ideology and the human cost

Trump’s treatment of Cuba is framed largely through the failure of communism.

There are legitimate grounds for criticism of the Cuban political system, including restrictions on political freedoms and political pluralism. But this does not remove the need to examine the consequences of prolonged economic coercion.

The most recent PEAH study, “Cuba Under Economic Siege,” examines the combined effects of the US economic, commercial and financial restrictions, intensified in 2026, particularly through constraints affecting fuel and third-party economic operators. It estimates approximately 14,000 excess deaths in 2024 relative to selected demographic and historical references, while explicitly stressing that these are analytical estimates rather than official counts of avoidable deaths.

The article asks whether the progressive deprivation of essential conditions for life could constitute a “genocide without weapons”, but this is presented as a public-health and ethical question, not as a legal determination of genocide.

The distinction is important.

Cuba has internal political and economic responsibilities for its population’s wellbeing. At the same time, external economic restrictions can have real consequences for access to fuel, medicines, food, water, transport and health services.

A serious analysis needs to consider both.

Migration and the reduction of human beings to security categories

Trump’s treatment of migration reduces a complex global phenomenon largely to questions of borders, illegal entry, crime and sovereignty.

States clearly have the right to regulate entry into their territory.

But migration is also driven by war, poverty, political persecution, economic inequality, family reunification, labour markets and environmental disruption.

A sustainable-equity approach therefore asks not only how borders should be controlled, but why so many people are forced to leave their homes.

If the global system produces radically unequal opportunities for health, security and dignity, migration is partly a symptom of that inequality.

The problem of the numbers

The speech makes extensive use of large numerical claims concerning oil, drugs, migration, investment, military action and wars supposedly ended.

Some have been challenged by independent fact-checking.

For example, PolitiFact found Trump’s claim that US operations had eliminated 97% of drugs entering the United States to be unsupported, because seizure figures cannot establish the total amount entering an illicit market. It also found the oil-reserve claim substantially exaggerated.

The methodological lesson is important.

Numbers in public policy require definitions, denominators, time periods, populations and sources.

Sustainable Health Equity therefore requires not simply more data, but better measurement and greater transparency about what data actually show.

From health inequality to sustainable equity

The health dimension provides a useful way to connect the apparently separate crises of poverty, climate change, war and economic concentration.

The WISE paradigm — Wellbeing in Sustainable Equity — proposes that global development should be assessed by the capacity to achieve the best feasible levels of human wellbeing while remaining within economic and ecological limits.

The starting point is simple: the aspiration for a long and healthy life is universal.

The question is whether the economic and ecological resources needed to achieve this can be distributed fairly.

The WISE analysis estimates a persistent burden of approximately 16 million excess deaths each year associated with global health inequity, while identifying an estimated dignity gap of around US$7 trillion—the additional resources required for countries below the proposed dignity threshold to approach the best feasible levels of health.

This is not simply a call for traditional development aid.

It points towards a much larger redistribution of global resources.

The same analysis proposes a threshold beyond which additional income no longer corresponds to further gains in life expectancy while being associated with increasingly unsustainable ecological consumption. It estimates that a large share of global GDP lies above such an “excess” or “hoarding” threshold.

The implication is uncomfortable but important:

Global justice requires both ending deprivation and reducing excessive accumulation.

The US$7 trillion dignity gap therefore needs to be considered alongside the resources currently accumulated or consumed above levels compatible with sustainable equity.

Restoring the broken human deal

The 2024 PEAH paper “Restoring Broken Human Deal” develops this argument further.

It describes the present system as a broken deal both among human beings and between humanity and nature. It links persistent health inequity, ecological destruction, financial concentration, military power and weak global governance to a common failure of international cooperation.

The paper argues that the problem cannot be solved simply by increasing conventional development assistance.

It calls instead for a new societal paradigm based on empathetic local governance, ecosystem-friendly production and consumption of essential needs, and collaborative innovation directed towards global public goods.

This changes the meaning of redistribution.

It is not simply transferring money from rich to poor.

It means restructuring the global economy so that resources currently absorbed by excessive consumption, speculation, military expenditure and ecological destruction can instead support health, knowledge, essential services and the transition to sustainable production.

The missing denominator: planetary limits

Perhaps the largest omission in Trump’s speech is the absence of a meaningful ecological denominator.

Economic and military power are discussed as if they could continue expanding without reference to the Earth’s capacity to absorb emissions, regenerate ecosystems and provide resources.

The planetary-boundaries framework provides one scientific way of approaching this problem.

Humanity has already crossed several proposed Earth-system boundaries.

This changes the meaning of development.

The question can no longer simply be:

How much more can humanity produce?

It must be:

How much can humanity produce and consume while preserving the ecological systems required for life?

And:

How can the remaining ecological space be shared fairly?

These questions form the basis of sustainable equity.

International law and exceptionalism

International institutions are imperfect and should be reformed.

But the alternative cannot be a system in which powerful states accept international rules only when those rules coincide with their interests.

International law depends on universality.

No state should be above accountability because of its military capacity, economic influence or permanent position in an international institution.

The tension is particularly visible in the Security Council, where five states—China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom and the United States—possess permanent seats and veto power.

This was a political arrangement designed in 1945.

It is increasingly difficult to reconcile with the principle of sovereign equality among UN members and with the global nature of contemporary problems.

From United Nations to United Peoples

The UN Charter begins with the words:

“We the peoples…”

Yet the organisation remains primarily structured around sovereign states.

A refounded UN should explore how to give stronger representation to peoples, regions, civil society, future generations and the global commons while retaining states as essential political actors.

The objective would not be world government.

It would be a more democratic system for managing problems that no country can solve alone.

Climate change is one example.

Pandemics are another.

So are nuclear weapons, artificial intelligence, global financial instability, biodiversity loss and access to essential medicines and scientific knowledge.

A proposal for the refoundation of the United Nations

A refounded UN could be built around the following principles.

1. Sustainable equity as a central global objective

Every person should have the conditions necessary for a dignified and healthy life, while humanity remains within planetary boundaries.

2. A global dignity floor

Countries and communities below an agreed dignity threshold should have access to the resources necessary to reach the best feasible levels of health and wellbeing.

The WISE analysis estimates the present global dignity gap at approximately US$7 trillion annually.

3. An excess-resource threshold

Above a level at which additional accumulation no longer contributes significantly to human wellbeing while increasing ecological damage, resources should progressively be redirected towards global public goods.

This is the economic counterpart of the dignity floor.

4. Recognition of global commons

The atmosphere, oceans, biodiversity, major freshwater systems and other essential ecological systems should be treated as shared responsibilities of humanity.

5. Rights of future generations

Future generations should have recognised rights to the ecological conditions necessary for life and health.

6. Universal application of international law

No state should enjoy effective exemption from international law because of its political or military power.

7. Reform of the Security Council

The permanent veto should be substantially reformed, with greater representation and mechanisms allowing the wider UN membership to act when the Council is paralysed.

8. Progressive demilitarisation

Nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction should ultimately be eliminated, while military expenditure is progressively redirected towards human security and global public goods.

9. Health and knowledge as global public goods

Essential medicines, vaccines, scientific knowledge, health technologies and other life-saving resources should not depend primarily on purchasing power.

10. A fair system of human mobility

The causes of forced migration should be addressed alongside the protection of the rights and dignity of migrants and refugees.

11. Ecological transformation

Global economic governance should support rapid transition away from fossil fuels while ensuring that lower-income countries have sufficient resources to achieve dignified development.

12. Democratic global financing

The UN and other global institutions need predictable and sufficiently independent financing rather than excessive dependence on voluntary contributions from powerful states and private interests.

From competition to cooperation

The alternative to a power-centred international order is not the absence of power.

It is the democratisation and redistribution of power.

Nor is it the rejection of economic development.

It is a different understanding of development: improving human health, dignity and capabilities while reducing unnecessary material consumption and protecting the ecological systems on which future generations depend.

This also changes the meaning of security.

Security should include food, health, water, energy, climate, peace and ecological stability—not simply the military capacity of states.

It changes the meaning of prosperity as well.

Prosperity should not be measured only by how much a country produces, consumes or accumulates, but by whether people can live long, healthy and meaningful lives without undermining the ability of others and future generations to do the same.

Conclusion: a call for a new global settlement

Trump’s 2026 UN speech provides a particularly clear expression of one possible future: a world of strong states competing for security, resources, markets, technology and geopolitical influence.

But this is not simply about one president or one country.

The deeper problem is the persistence of an international system in which military power, economic wealth and control of resources determine whose interests prevail.

The evidence and analysis developed through Sustainable Health Equity point towards another possibility.

The projected burden of climate-related mortality falls disproportionately on populations that have contributed least to historical emissions. Global health inequity continues to generate millions of preventable deaths every year. At the same time, the WISE analysis identifies a substantial global dignity gap alongside enormous concentrations of resources above levels compatible with sustainable equity.

Gaza and Cuba provide two contemporary examples of a broader problem: the distance between the universal principles proclaimed by the international system and the way power is actually exercised. The PEAH analyses of Gaza and Cuba argue, from different perspectives, that the consequences of geopolitical power increasingly reach directly into the conditions of life, health and survival.

The response should therefore be larger than opposition to any single government.

It should be a new global settlement.

A refounded United Nations could place sustainable equity at the centre of international cooperation:

a dignified life for every person; ecological limits for everyone; greater redistribution from excess to deprivation; global public goods; universal accountability under international law; peace instead of permanent military competition; and democratic institutions capable of representing humanity as a whole.

This would give new meaning to the opening words of the UN Charter:

We the peoples.

The challenge is no longer to decide which country should dominate the twenty-first century.

It is to build institutions through which humanity can learn to share the twenty-first century—and protect the living Earth on which all of us depend.

References
  1. Garay JE, Chiriboga DE, Kelley N, Garay A, Garcia-Carmino E. Health and Climate Change: a Third World War with No Guns. PEAH, 2018. The analysis modelled approximately 216 million excess deaths from temperature increase during the twenty-first century, predominantly in tropical and subtropical populations.
  2. Garay J. Towards a WISE – Wellbeing in Sustainable Equity – New Paradigm for Humanity. PEAH, 2023. The article develops the WISE paradigm, the dignity threshold, the estimated US$7 trillion global dignity gap and the concept of an excess/hoarding threshold.
  3. Garay J. Restoring Broken Human Deal. PEAH, 2024. The article develops the analysis of global governance failure, health inequity, ecological destruction, economic concentration and the need for a new societal paradigm.
  4. Garay J. Gaza and the End of a Moral Order: Energy, Power, and the Emergence of a Post-Hegemonic World—and the Prospect of a New Global Life Expectancy Decline. PEAH, 2026.
  5. Garay J. Cuba Under Economic Siege: Evidence of the Humanitarian and Health Consequences of United States Coercive Measures and Arguments for an Equity-Based Response. PEAH, 2026.
  6. United Nations. Charter of the United Nations. San Francisco, 1945.
  7. United Nations. Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Paris, 1948.
  8. International Court of Justice. Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide in the Gaza Strip (South Africa v. Israel). Provisional Measures, 2024.
  9. United Nations Environment Programme. Emissions Gap Report 2025. UNEP, Nairobi, 2025.
  10. World Health Organization. Climate Change and Health. WHO, Geneva.
  11. Richardson K, et al. Earth beyond six of nine planetary boundaries. Science Advances. 2023;9(37):eadh2458.
  12. United Nations Security Council. Voting System and the Right to Veto.
  13. United Nations Security Council. Vetoes since 1946.
  14. PolitiFact. Fact-check: President Donald Trump misleads on Iran war, AI in speech to UN. September 2026.
  15. Associated Press. FACT FOCUS: Trump made multiple false and misleading claims in front of the UN General Assembly. September 2026.

 

 

*  MD, internal medicine, MSc Trop Med, MPH, independent researcher and co-founder of the Sustainable Health Equity Movement (SHEM) and Valyter Ecovillage, a community initiative promoting shared living, care for nature and sustainable development. He has worked for more than three decades in public health, health equity and international cooperation. He served as Coordinator of the European Union Cooperation Programme on Global Health and for Mexico (2013–2017) and Cuba (2017–2023). He is  Visiting Professor at the Latin American School of Medicine (ELAM), the Marta Abreu Central University of Las Villas (UCLV) and the Agrarian University of Havana (UNAH) in Cuba; the Autonomous University of Chiapas (UNACH) in Mexico; Fundação Oswaldo Cruz (Fiocruz) in Brazil; the National School of Public Health (ENS) in Spain; and the University of California, Berkeley, USA. His research focuses on Sustainable Health Equity, global health, human development, international cooperation and the governance of knowledge and global public goods for the common good.

The Pathology of Health Equity: The Foundation of Equitable Governance

IN A NUTSHELL
Author's note
…Health equity cannot be achieved simply by increasing resources, expanding services, or improving average health indicators. It depends fundamentally on how health-related resources, opportunities, risks, costs, and benefits are distributed across different groups within society.

The pathology of health equity shifts attention from merely measuring inequalities to identifying the mechanisms that create and reproduce them. Such an approach requires simultaneous consideration of access, quality of care, financing, resource allocation, governance, power, social participation, intersectoral policies, health-system reforms, digital technologies, and multidimensional vulnerability… 

By Fahriba Shahraki Sanavi 1, 2

1.Associate Professor, Health Promotion Research Center, Zahedan University of Medical Sciences, Zahedan, Iran. Orcid No: 0000-0002-6937-0793. Email: faribasanavi@gmail.com

 2.Center for Development and Studies, Academy of Medical Sciences of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Tehran, Iran

The Pathology of Health Equity: The Foundation of Equitable Governance

 

Introduction

Health equity is a fundamental component of fair and effective health systems. Despite remarkable advances in medical science, health technologies, and access to healthcare services, unjust differences in health outcomes persist across societies and, in some contexts, have even widened. These differences are not merely reflections of variations in individual health status; rather, they reflect how opportunities, resources, power, and responsibilities are distributed across society.

Health equity cannot be reduced to equal access to healthcare services or the provision of identical care to everyone. Equity requires that all individuals, regardless of their social, economic, geographic, cultural, or political circumstances, have a fair opportunity to attain and maintain good health. From this perspective, health policies and programmes should consider not only their overall effects but also how their benefits, costs, and risks are distributed across different population groups.

The fundamental question, therefore, is not simply how successful a health system is, but who benefits from its achievements, who remains excluded, and what mechanisms create or reproduce these differences. This perspective shifts health equity from a broad normative aspiration to a subject of systematic analysis and pathology.

Health Equity: Beyond Equality

Equality and equity in health are closely related but conceptually distinct. Equality refers to the uniform distribution of resources, services, or opportunities, whereas equity takes into account differences in needs, living conditions, and the barriers faced by different population groups.

Consequently, providing identical services to groups with different needs, resources, and social circumstances does not necessarily produce equitable outcomes. Advancing equity may require allocating greater resources to populations experiencing greater deprivation, vulnerability, or structural barriers.

From this perspective, assessing equity requires moving beyond population averages. National or regional averages may indicate an overall improvement in health while substantial gaps between social groups remain. Examining how health-related opportunities, resources, benefits, and costs are distributed across populations is therefore an essential component of equity assessment.

Social and Structural Determinants of Health

Health does not develop in a vacuum. The economic, social, environmental, and political conditions in which people are born, grow, work, and live fundamentally shape their opportunities to achieve good health.

Income, education, employment, housing, food security, the physical environment, social support, and access to resources are among the factors that can produce divergent health trajectories across population groups. Yet these factors themselves are shaped by broader structures of power, policymaking, and decision-making.

Consequently, analyses of health inequalities are incomplete without considering their structural and political determinants. Economic policies, tax systems, labour-market policies, social protection programmes, resource-allocation decisions, and governance structures can directly or indirectly influence the distribution of opportunities for health.

Recent research on the political determinants of health further demonstrates that governance, decision-making processes, power relations, political discourse, and structures of democratic participation are important forces shaping health equity (Duric et al., 2026).

The Pathology of Health Equity

The pathology of health equity can be understood as an approach to identifying, analysing, and explaining the mechanisms through which avoidable and unjust differences in health are created, sustained, or reproduced.

Within this approach, equity is not merely an anticipated outcome of health policies; it becomes an explicit object of systematic assessment. It is necessary to determine which components of the health system or broader social structures generate unjust gaps, where these gaps become amplified, and which population groups bear the greatest burden of disadvantage.

The pathology of health equity can be examined across several major domains.

  1. Equity in Access to Healthcare Services

Equitable access extends beyond the physical availability of services. Geographic distance, direct and indirect costs, waiting times, service capacity, cultural and linguistic barriers, and access to health information can all influence people’s actual ability to use healthcare services.

The presence of a healthcare facility in a particular area does not necessarily guarantee equitable access for its residents. If low-income populations, people living in deprived areas, older adults, or specific social groups are unable to use services because of cost, transportation constraints, or cultural barriers, nominal availability has not translated into meaningful access.

  1. Equity in Quality and Care Experience

Equity concerns not only whether people receive care, but also the quality of the care they receive.

Two groups may have access to the same type of service while experiencing differences in quality of care, communication with healthcare professionals, respect for patient preferences, time devoted to care, involvement in decision-making, and overall care experience.

From this perspective, quality and equity are not separate concepts. High-quality care has meaning from an equity perspective only when it is attainable across population groups. Research on diversity-sensitive care likewise highlights the importance of responding to cultural, social, and individual differences and taking patients’ experiences into account (Lauwers et al., 2024).

  1. Equity in Health Financing

The way healthcare is financed is one of the major pathways through which inequalities can either be created or reduced. Financing arrangements may place a disproportionate economic burden on groups that are already financially vulnerable.

Out-of-pocket payments, co-payments, and other direct payments may restrict the use of essential services among low-income households and increase the risk of financial hardship associated with healthcare expenditure.

Recent systematic reviews indicate that the distribution of healthcare payments across socioeconomic groups can be highly unequal and that financing systems should explicitly consider their distributional consequences (Luyten & Tubeuf, 2025; Shaltynov et al., 2024).

  1. Equity in Primary Care Financing

Primary care occupies a central position in reducing health inequalities because it is often the first point of contact with the health system and can play an important role in prevention, early diagnosis, and the management of chronic conditions.

However, the allocation of resources to primary care does not always correspond to population need. Areas experiencing greater socioeconomic deprivation may have greater health needs while receiving fewer financial and human resources.

Evidence from an umbrella review indicates that primary care funding arrangements can influence health inequalities and that resource-allocation mechanisms should account for differences in population need and deprivation (Holdroyd et al., 2025).

  1. Resource Allocation and Equity

Resource allocation in health systems inevitably involves choices among competing needs under conditions of limited resources. Decisions concerning budgets, workforce, infrastructure, technologies, and services should therefore be assessed not only in terms of efficiency but also in terms of their distributional consequences.

A policy may be highly effective on average while widening health gaps if its benefits are distributed disproportionately. Thus, policy effectiveness does not necessarily imply policy equity.

An equity-oriented analysis requires examining which groups derive the greatest benefits from resource allocation and which groups are less likely to benefit.

  1. Governance and the Distribution of Power

Health equity is closely linked to who holds decision-making power, whose voices are heard, and which groups are less visible in policymaking processes.

Political, economic, and institutional power can shape health priorities, resource allocation, and policy design. Accordingly, an analysis of equity that does not examine power remains incomplete.

Evidence from systematic research on the political determinants of health indicates that governance structures, decision-making processes, and power relations play important roles in defining and shaping health equity (Duric et al., 2026).

Social Participation: From Presence to Influence

Social participation is an important principle of equitable governance; however, the presence of people in decision-making processes does not, in itself, constitute meaningful participation.

Participation can contribute to equity when individuals and communities have not only opportunities to express their views but also genuine capacity to influence decisions and policy priorities.

A distinction should therefore be made between presence, being heard, and having influence. Tokenistic participation, without meaningful transfer of power or influence over decision-making, may even contribute to reproducing existing inequalities.

A systematic review of social participation in health likewise highlights the importance of assessing the quality and degree of influence in interactions between communities and policymakers (Gupta et al., 2023).

Intersectoral Governance and Health in All Policies

Many important determinants of health lie outside the health sector. Education, transport, housing, employment, the environment, agriculture, and social policies can all influence health and its distribution across society.

Responsibility for achieving health equity therefore cannot rest solely with ministries of health or the healthcare system. The Health in All Policies approach seeks to incorporate the health implications of decisions made across sectors into policymaking processes.

However, effective implementation requires mechanisms for intersectoral coordination, accountability, political commitment, and institutional capacity. Evidence suggests that policymaking processes, relationships between organisations, and interactions among political actors can influence the implementation of Health in All Policies (Lilly et al., 2023).

Equity in Health-System Reform

Health-system reforms are often undertaken to improve efficiency, control costs, enhance quality, or expand access. Yet any reform may have different consequences for different population groups.

Equity should therefore be considered from the design stage through implementation and evaluation, rather than treated as a secondary outcome to be examined after a policy has been implemented.

A recent scoping review indicates that systematically incorporating equity into the design and implementation of health-system reforms can help identify and mitigate unequal consequences of reform initiatives (Bouckley et al., 2025).

Assessing the Distributional Consequences of Policies

Health-policy evaluation should not focus exclusively on average or aggregate outcomes. It is essential to determine how a policy affects different social, economic, and geographic groups.

This requires disaggregated analyses according to income, sex, age, place of residence, social position, and other characteristics associated with vulnerability.

Within such a framework, the central question is not simply, “Is the policy effective?” but rather:

For whom is it effective, who benefits from it, who bears its costs, and does its implementation reduce or widen existing health gaps?

Digital Equity and Health Technologies

The expansion of digital technologies, telemedicine, health-information systems, and mobile health applications has created new opportunities to improve access to and the quality of care.

However, technology does not automatically produce equity. Differences in access to the internet and digital devices, digital literacy, financial capacity, technological skills, and infrastructure quality may result in those with the greatest needs benefiting least from digital innovations.

Digital equity should therefore be considered from the earliest stages of technology design. Evidence from assessments of digital-health interventions also indicates that socioeconomic differences in intervention effectiveness remain insufficiently addressed in many studies (Abdelmalak et al., 2024).

Multidimensional Vulnerability and Intersectional Equity

Vulnerability is rarely attributable to a single factor. Individuals may simultaneously experience multiple forms of disadvantage, including poverty, older age, migration, social isolation, or limited access to services.

These factors can interact and reinforce one another, producing disproportionate health consequences. Equity analysis should therefore move beyond single-dimensional approaches and consider interactions among different social and economic factors.

An intersectional approach to health equity can help identify groups located at the intersection of multiple dimensions of vulnerability who may remain invisible within conventional analyses and policymaking processes (Conduah & Ofoe, 2025).

Equity, Diversity, and Quality of Care

The social and cultural diversity of populations requires health systems to recognise and respond to differing needs.

Equitable care requires respect for cultural, social, and individual differences, effective communication with patients, and the creation of conditions in which all people can receive high-quality care without discrimination.

From this perspective, attention to diversity is not a peripheral concern but an integral component of quality of care. A system that provides inappropriate or discriminatory care experiences to particular groups cannot be considered equitable merely because it meets high technical standards (Lauwers et al., 2024).

Equity, Economic Evaluation, and Resource Decision-Making

Health-system decisions are often made under conditions of resource scarcity, and economic evaluation can support the selection of efficient interventions. However, a narrow focus on efficiency may overlook the distributional consequences of such decisions.

An intervention may be highly cost-effective while delivering most of its benefits to groups that are already socially and economically advantaged.

Efficiency and equity should therefore not be treated as entirely separate objectives. Where possible, economic evaluations should also consider the distributional consequences of interventions, and decision-makers should understand which groups benefit from a policy choice and which groups may bear its disadvantages (Muir et al., 2024).

A Proposed Framework for the Pathology of Health Equity

Based on the preceding discussion, the pathology of health equity can be conceptualised as a multidimensional framework through which equity is examined across different levels of the health system and policymaking.

The framework comprises six major domains:

  1. Identifying inequalities: Identifying populations and groups experiencing disadvantage in health outcomes, access, quality, or resources.
  2. Identifying mechanisms that generate inequalities: Examining the social, economic, organisational, political, and structural factors that create or reproduce inequalities.
  3. Analysing the distribution of resources and opportunities: Assessing how health-system resources, services, benefits, and costs are distributed across different population groups.
  4. Analysing power and participation: Identifying actors who influence decision-making and assessing the extent to which different groups have meaningful participation in setting priorities and shaping policies.
  5. Assessing the distributional consequences of policies: Examining how health policies and reforms affect different population groups and whether they reduce or widen health gaps.
  6. Continuous equity monitoring: Establishing mechanisms for ongoing measurement of health gaps and assessment of the health system’s response to them.

This framework can transform equity from a broad normative principle into an operational dimension of analysis, decision-making, and accountability. Within such an approach, equity is not a secondary outcome but a core criterion for evaluating the performance of health systems and public policies.

Conclusion

Health equity cannot be achieved simply by increasing resources, expanding services, or improving average health indicators. It depends fundamentally on how health-related resources, opportunities, risks, costs, and benefits are distributed across different groups within society.

The pathology of health equity shifts attention from merely measuring inequalities to identifying the mechanisms that create and reproduce them. Such an approach requires simultaneous consideration of access, quality of care, financing, resource allocation, governance, power, social participation, intersectoral policies, health-system reforms, digital technologies, and multidimensional vulnerability.

Within this framework, an analysis of health equity without an analysis of power is incomplete, and an effective policy is not necessarily an equitable policy. Likewise, quality and equity should not be regarded as entirely separate objectives, because genuine quality of care is achieved only when all population groups have a fair opportunity to benefit from high-quality services.

From this perspective, efficiency and equity should be considered together in decisions concerning health resources and policies. Evaluation of health-system performance should also move beyond population averages and demonstrate how health gains are distributed across society.

Ultimately, an equitable health system is one in which no population group is systematically denied a fair opportunity to attain and maintain good health because of its social, economic, geographic, cultural, or political position.

References

Abdelmalak, N., Burns, J., Suhlrie, L., Laxy, M., & Stephan, A.-J. (2024). Consideration of inequalities in effectiveness trials of mHealth applications—a systematic assessment of studies from an umbrella review. International Journal for Equity in Health, 23, 181.

Bouckley, T., Peiris, D., Nambiar, D., Mishra, S., Sood, T., Purwar, P., Elshaug, A. G., Landon, B. E., Pearson, S.-A., Schneider, C. H., & Schierhout, G. (2025). Addressing health equity during design and implementation of health system reform initiatives: A scoping review and framework. International Journal for Equity in Health, 24, 68.

Conduah, A. K., & Ofoe, S. H. (2025). Intersecting impacts of ageing, migration, and socioeconomic disparities on health equity: A post-pandemic policy review. International Journal for Equity in Health, 24, 304.

Duric, P., Smith, M., Collins, P., & Chen, R. (2026). Global definitions of political determinants of health: A systematic review. Social Science & Medicine, 400, 119191.

Gupta, P., Rouffy-Ly, B., Rohrer-Herold, K., Koch, K., Rao, N., Poulussen, C., Brearley, L., Abou-Taleb, H., & Rajan, D. (2023). Assessing the interactions of people and policy-makers in social participation for health: An inventory of participatory governance measures from a rapid systematic literature review. International Journal for Equity in Health, 22, 240.

Holdroyd, I., McCann, L., Berger, M., Fisher, R., & Ford, J. (2025). The impact of primary care funding on health inequalities: An umbrella review. Primary Health Care Research & Development, 26, e24.

Lauwers, E. D. L., Vandecasteele, R., McMahon, M., De Maesschalck, S., & Willems, S. (2024). The patient perspective on diversity-sensitive care: A systematic review. International Journal for Equity in Health, 23, 117.

Lilly, K., Kean, B., Hallett, J., Robinson, S., & Selvey, L. A. (2023). Factors of the policy process influencing Health in All Policies in local government: A scoping review. Frontiers in Public Health, 11, 1010335.

Luyten, E., & Tubeuf, S. (2025). Equity in healthcare financing: A review of evidence. Health Policy, 152, 105218.

Mudd, A. L., Bal, M., Verra, S. E., Poelman, M. P., de Wit, J., & Kamphuis, C. B. M. (2024). The current state of complex systems research on socioeconomic inequalities in health and health behavior—a systematic scoping review. International Journal of Behavioral Nutrition and Physical Activity, 21, 13.

Muir, J. M., Radhakrishnan, A., Ozer Stillman, I., & Sarri, G. (2024). Health equity considerations in cost-effectiveness analysis: Insights from an umbrella review. ClinicoEconomics and Outcomes Research, 16, 581–596.

Shaltynov, A., Jamedinova, U., Semenova, Y., Abenova, M., & Myssayev, A. (2024). Inequalities in out-of-pocket health expenditure measured using financing incidence analysis (FIA): A systematic review. Healthcare, 12(10), 1051.

Sowden, S., Nezafat Maldonado, B., Beyer, F., Bell, W., Lambert, M., Thomson, R., Cookson, R., & Bambra, C. (2025). What works to reduce socioeconomic inequalities in hospitalisations and readmissions? Systematic review of the equity impacts of population-level, health service and integrative interventions. BMJ Public Health, 3(2), e002595.

 

News Flash 679: Weekly Snapshot of Public Health Challenges

News Flash Links, as part of the research project PEAH (Policies for Equitable Access to Health), aim to focus on the latest challenges by trade and governments rules to equitable access to health in resource-limited settings

Mauve stinger (Pelagia noctiluca)

News Flash 679

Weekly Snapshot of Public Health Challenges

 

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